Consciousness and Self-Reference

 

 

It is often supposed that consciousness has something to do with self-reference. Thus it is held that to be conscious is to be conscious of oneself: consciousness is the same as self-consciousness. This view comes in several versions: referring to oneself with “I”, having higher-order thoughts, perceiving one’s own mental states, self-monitoring, introspective knowledge, inward attention. The trouble with these kinds of theories is that they presuppose abilities that not all conscious beings possess: a creature can be conscious of the world and yet not be conscious of itself—as when the creature consciously perceives its immediate environment. Consciously seeing an object seems quite independent of consciousness of oneself seeing it. There can be something it’s like to be a bat without the bat being able to self-ascribe mental states. Consciousness is more basic than self-consciousness, and logically independent of it.

            However, there may be a more subtle way in which consciousness involves self-reference. Consider the perception of color. Our visual experience of the world is saturated with color, but color is subjectively constituted; so our visual experience of objective things is saturated with subjectively constituted properties. It is traditional to call color a “secondary quality”, in contrast to such “primary qualities” as shape and size, but there is a good sense in which that terminology fails to do justice to color: as a matter of phenomenology, color is just as “primary” as shape—just as salient, useful, and vivid. It is just that color is not as “objective” as shape—not the concern of physics, not part of the “absolute conception”, not ontologically removed from human experience. Color is determined by subjective responses; shape is determined by mind-independent reality (so, at least, it is commonly assumed). The standard view of color is that a color property is a disposition to produce color experiences in perceivers (or supervenes on such a disposition). Given that, we can say that an object is red, say, just when it is disposed to produce red experiences in perceivers: so being red consists in a relation to conscious subjects, viz. having the power to cause experiences of red in perceivers. To specify or explicate the property of being red we refer to experiences of red.

            But then a conscious experience of a red object is an experience of a property that essentially involves conscious experience. We are experiencing a property that is constituted by experience (a disposition to bring about experience); we are consciously aware of a property whose nature itself incorporates conscious awareness. Let me say, somewhat loosely, that the property refers to conscious experience—reaches out to it, embraces it. In analyzing the property we certainly refer to experience (unlike the case of shape), so it is not too much of a stretch to say that the property itself makes such reference. Then the following can be stated: visual consciousness refers to a property that refers to visual consciousness. My experience refers to the property of being red (the cup in front of me is red) and redness itself refers to experience of red (including the experience I am now having). So visual consciousness is self-referential: it refers to something that refers to itself. This is because color is defined in terms of subjective experience: that is what color is. To put it differently, color is a projection of consciousness (not an objective trait of things); so when we perceive color we perceive a property that comes from within consciousness. Consciousness spreads color on the world, so perception of color is perception of what is so spread. To put it loosely, we perceive our own consciousness (more exactly, we perceive a property that is a product of our consciousness). Thus it is that consciousness is self-referential—even when it is the basic kind of sensory awareness of the world. The world of visual perception is a world suffused with our own subjectivity, so awareness of objects in that world involves awareness of that very subjectivity. We might express this by saying that perceptual consciousness is “covertly self-referential”—implicitly, consciousness is consciousness of consciousness.

            An objection may be mooted: that may well be true for color, but what about the other senses? Well, the other senses also have their secondary qualities, so the same argument applies. Take taste: when something tastes bitter it is apprehended as having a property that is defined and conferred by a disposition to taste bitter—so when we taste a bitter object we are aware of a property that is constituted by experience of bitterness. Bitterness is response-dependent. Thus we can say that tasting an object is “self-tasting”: we taste a property that consists in experiences of tasting. To be aware of a taste is to be aware of a quality of consciousness—how things taste subjectively. Tastes refer to experiences of tasting, so to perceive a taste is to perceive something that refers to tasting. Thus in tasting something one refers back to oneself: one has spread tastes on the world, and then one reaps the benefit of one’s own dispensation. To change the metaphor, one sows seeds in the world and then one harvests the results of what one has sown. Consciousness harvests itself.

            Another objection: what about consciousness of primary qualities? If shape is not definable as a disposition to produce experiences of shape, then experiences of shape are not experiences of properties that refer back to experiences. There is no self-reference in seeing something as square—yet this is still a conscious state. So we can’t say that consciousness in general is self-referential, even perceptual consciousness (this is before we get to conscious thoughts about shape). Here two replies may be made. First, it is not clear that the geometrical properties that we naively attribute to the world are really objective; they may be just as much creatures of our subjectivity as colors and tastes. This is because reality may not objectively conform to our innate perceptual geometry—maybe we impose that geometry on physical reality (hence all the discussion about whether the physical world is really Euclidian). Maybe we are spreading shapes too (our shapes). Second, experience of shapeembeds experience of color, so we are always self-referring even when seeing objective shapes. No conscious visual experience is ever free of the kind of self-reference I have described. Certainly, our experience of shape is inextricably bound up with our experience of color, and color is a reflection of our nature as conscious beings: in seeing both color and shape we see our own reflection. The color that stares back at us originates with us, and it is conjoined with shape.

A third objection: what about unconscious perception of color? If we perceive colors unconsciously, and yet colors refer to experiences (conscious or unconscious), then self-reference is not sufficient for consciousness. That may be—all I have claimed is that self-reference is a necessary part of consciousness. But the stronger thesis can also be defended: for it is not clear that there is such a thing as the unconscious perception of color as such—that is, perceptually representing redness unconsciously. Maybe all we represent unconsciously is a certain wavelength of light, not the color property itself. What would it be to taste a substance as bitter completely unconsciously? Could it taste horribly bitter unconsciously? Granted, there is unconscious perception, but it doesn’t follow that such perception can be directed to the same array of properties as conscious perception. Could there really be a creature that sees the full range of colors available to humans but never sees colors consciously? How could these properties be defined as dispositions to produce conscious experiences if these creatures had no such experiences? The more natural view is that properties constituted by conscious experience can only be perceived by beings capable of conscious experience. If there are no colors in a world without conscious beings, then color is essentially connected to consciousness; so unconscious perception of color must be either impossible or derivative. In either case, perceptual self-reference will suffice for consciousness, simply because perceiving properties that refer to conscious experience will always take us to conscious experience. Being red is precisely a disposition to produce conscious experiences of red.

What is interesting about the position defended here is that the outer-directedness of consciousness incorporates a kind of inward-directedness. When I am aware of my environment I am aware of it as instantiating properties that make reference to my own states of consciousness. That is, I am aware of it as instantiating properties that depend for their very existence on consciousness. It is not that I overtly refer to my own conscious experience whenever I see a red object—uttering the words, “I am seeing a property that is constituted by my subjective response to the world”—but I am seeing a property that in fact arises (necessarily so) from conscious beings qua conscious beings. I am seeing my own conscious constitution in front of me—projected, spread. My consciousness is thus a consciousness of my own consciousness—via my consciousness of an objective world. So consciousness does involve a kind of self-reference—it loops back on itself.  [1]

 

  [1] I have discussed perceptual consciousness, arguably the basic case, but the point carries over to cognitive consciousness: conscious thoughts about color also refer to properties that are subjectively constituted. And the same is true of conscious desire—such as a desire for a bunch of red roses. To put it in Kantian terms, we live in a phenomenal world that reflects our own mode of consciousness, so our consciousness of that world always refers back to itself.

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Consciousness Science

                                   

 

 

Consciousness Science

 

 

People often accuse me of being opposed to a science of consciousness. Nothing could be further from the truth. I see no reason of principle why there could not be a science of consciousness, though admittedly we do not yet have much in the way of such a science. I say that partly because I have a relaxed attitude about what constitutes a science, holding that even philosophy counts as a science—and I certainly have no objection to the idea of a philosophy of consciousness. But more substantively, I see no reason to doubt that consciousness can be subjected to scientific treatment of a very standard sort, as follows.

            First, the science of zoology provides a model of what a systematic taxonomy of consciousness would look like, and indeed we have a fairly good taxonomy of the conscious mind. I can envisage how this might be made more rigorous, as well as how folk taxonomy might be questioned: there can be rational arguments about matters of mental classification (including whether there is any well-defined notion of “the mental”). This kind of thing has been going on for a long time—for example, are moral motives cognitive or non-cognitive? But second and more controversially, I see no reason to deny that consciousness can be treated mathematically—surely the mark of the “scientific”. In fact, I would encourage interested parties, especially mathematicians, to pursue this line of inquiry (they already have to some degree). The difficulties of the mind-body problem should not deter us from trying to develop a mathematical theory of consciousness. I have no definite proposals to make in this direction, but I think it is possible to make some sketchy, and possibly suggestive, remarks. It is not that consciousness is some misty and mystical realm that resists all scientific treatment; it might well be subject to rigorous mathematical investigation. Admittedly, we might need a new type of mathematics to achieve this, but that is hardly a novelty in the history of thought.

            We can go back to old-fashioned psychophysics to get an idea of what such a mathematical treatment would look like. Psychophysics aimed to produce laws relating the intensity of a physical stimulus to the intensity of a psychological response—thus the Weber-Fechner law that psychological response is a logarithmic function of physical stimulus. What is significant in the present context is that this kind of law builds in a measure of psychological intensity, to be compared to the intensity of the physical stimulus: we have such notions as degree of subjective brightness or loudness or sweetness. Units of these magnitudes are selected, generally based on the idea of a “just noticeable difference” (“JND”). Thus we can compare two experiences according to their subjective intensity. The intuitive idea behind this is simply that conscious states come in degrees, as physical magnitudes do: sensations of brightness can be of different degrees of intensity, as can feelings of pain, or even states of belief. We can therefore measure consciousness.

            But that is just the beginning. People talk about the “qualitative content” of consciousness, but there is also the “quantitative content”: how much content there is. We can think about this in terms of the quantity of information processed or the number of features perceived. Here is where we encounter notions like “channel capacity”—how much information can be processed by a system. Conscious processes have a channel capacity—perception, memory, and attention. Then there are questions of rate: at what speed conscious processes proceed. How long does it take to create an image from a percept? What is the velocity of thought? How quickly can one emotion be replaced by another emotion? How long does it take to wake up? These are all potentially quantifiable matters: psychologists could measure them, at least in principle. Maybe some kind of abstract geometry can be applied to such things as the space of colors or other phenomenal fields. It might not be standard Euclidian geometry, but then neither is it in physics. Or maybe some brand new mathematical apparatus could be invented that makes consciousness appear as a beautiful mathematical structure. There is no reason to believe that consciousness is inherently nonmathematical. 

Accordingly, we might be able to develop a mathematical theory of intensity, quantity, rate, and form applicable to the conscious mind; and indeed such ideas are not unheard of today. My point is that all of this is fully compatible with deep-dyed skepticism about solving the mind-body problem. Even if we could find interesting correlations between the mathematics of consciousness and the mathematics of the brain, that would not solve the mind-body problem (it might even accentuate the problem). But by the same token, an inability to solve that age-old problem does not preclude making significant progress in developing a science of consciousness. By way of analogy: Newton confessed that he could not solve the problem of how gravitation arises from matter (specifically from mass), but that did not prevent him from formulating a rigorous mathematical theory of gravity. We might be able to develop a comparable mathematical theory of consciousness without being able to explain how consciousness arises from the brain. Instead of trying to solve that problem, perhaps by investing heavily in neuroscience, we might do better to invest in a direct mathematical treatment of consciousness (which would probably be cheaper). I look forward to the new field of “mathematical consciousness”. Let’s by all means mathematize consciousness as much as we can. The more scientific we can be about consciousness the better.  [1]

 

  [1] The label “mysterianism” is misleading: it suggests the idea that one who falls under the label is somehow opposed to applying science to the conscious mind. I am not a “mysterian” in that sense—any more than Newton was a “mysterian” about gravity. It is possible to have a rigorous science of the mysterious; indeed, that is the usual state of affairs.

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Biological Philosophy of Language

                                   

 

Biological Philosophy of Language

 

 

Linguistics has grown accustomed to viewing human language as a biological phenomenon. This view stands opposed to two other views: supernaturalism and cultural determination. Ancient thought conceived of language as a gift from God, closely adjoined to the immaterial soul: this accounted for its origin, its seemingly miraculous nature, and its uniqueness to the human species (we are God’s chosen ones). Recent thought instead insisted that language is a cultural product, a human invention, an artifact: this too accounts for its origin, nature, and uniqueness to humans (only humans have this kind of creative power). Both views deny that language is a species-specific adaptation driven by natural selection and arising in the individual by a process of organic maturation—rather like other natural organs. The “biological turn” in linguistics maintains that language is not supernatural or cultural but genetically based, largely innate, founded in physiology, modular, a product of blind evolution, organically structured, developmentally involuntary, invariant across the human species, and part of our natural history. Biological naturalism is the right way to think about language.  [1] No one would doubt this in the case of the “languages” (systems of communication) of other species like bees, birds, whales, and dolphins; human language is also part of our biological heritage and our phenotype (as well as our genotype). But this perspective, though now standard in linguistics, is not shared by contemporary philosophy of language: we don’t see these questions framed as questions of biology. Not that existing philosophy of language overtly adopts a supernatural or cultural conception of the nature of language in preference to a biological conception; rather, it is studiously neutral on the issue.  The question I want to address is whether the received debates in philosophy of language can be recast as questions of biology, in line with the prevailing biological perspective in linguistics. And I shall suggest that they can, illuminatingly so. I thus propose that philosophy of language take a biological turn and recognize that it is dealing with questions of natural biology (if the pleonasm may be excused). This will require no excision of questions but merely a reformulation of them. Philosophy of language is already steeped in biology.

            Let’s start with something relatively innocuous: the productivity of language. Instead of seeing this as a reflection of God’s infinite nature or the creative power of human invention, we see it as a natural fact about the structure of a certain biological trait, analogous to the structure of the eye or the musculature. Finitely many lexical units combine to generate a potential infinity of possible sentences—that is just a genetically encoded fact about the human brain. It arose by some sort of mutation and it develops during the course of individual maturation according to a predetermined schedule. It is humanly universal and invariant just like human anatomy and physiology. It should not be viewed as a purely formal or mathematical structure but as an organic part of the human animal. So when the philosopher of language remarks on the ability of speakers to construct infinitely many sentences from a finite set of words by recursive procedures he or she is recording a biological fact about the human species—just like bipedal posture or locomotion or copulation or digestion. Nothing prevents us from saying that the human phenotype includes an organ capable of unbounded productivity—the language faculty. It isn’t supernatural and it isn’t cultural (whatever exactly this means). It is, we might say, animal.

But what about theories of meaning—are they also biological theories in disguise? The biological naturalist says yes: truth conditions, for example, are a biological trait of certain biological entities. The entities are sentences (strings of mental representations—“words”) and their having truth conditions is a biological fact about them. Truth conditions evolved in the not too distant past, they mature in the individual’s brain, and they perform a biological function. Truth conditions constitute meaning (according to theory), and having meaning is a trait of certain external actions and internal symbols. Meanings are as organic as eyeballs. So a theory of meaning is a theory of a certain biological phenomenon—a biological theory. It says that the trait of meaning is the trait of having truth conditions. Suppose we base the theory on Tarski’s theory of truth: then Tarski’s definition of truth for formalized languages is really a recursive theory of an organic structure. It is mathematical biology. Sentences are part of biology and their having truth-conditions is too; so a theory of truth is tacitly an exercise in biological description. No one would doubt this for a theory of bee language or whale language, because there is no resistance to the idea that these are biological traits—a theory of truth conditions here would naturally be interpreted a theory of a biological phenomenon. Bee dances don’t have their truth conditions in virtue of the bee god or bee culture, but in virtue of genetically based hardwired facts of bee physiology. It isn’t that bees collectively decide to award their dances with meanings—and neither do human infants decide such things either. Sentences have truth conditions in virtue of biological facts about their users, whether bee or human. Semantics is biology.

Consider Davidson’s project of translating sentences of natural language into sentences of predicate calculus and then applying Tarski’s theory to them. Suppose that, contrary to fact, there existed a species that spoke only a language with the structure of predicate calculus; and suppose too that we evolved from this species. It would then be plausible to suppose that our language faculty descended from theirs with certain enrichments and ornamentations. Then Davidson could claim that their language gives the logical form of our language and that it can in principle translate the entirety of our language. This would be a straightforward biological theory, claiming that one evolved trait is equivalent (more or less) to another evolved trait. The “deep structure” of one trait is manifest in another trait. Likewise, if we view a formalized language as really a fragment of our natural language, then a claim like Davidson’s is just the claim that one trait of ours is semantically equivalent to another trait—that is, its semantic character is exhausted by the formalized fragment, the rest being merely stylistic flourish. For example, the biological adaptation of adverbs is nothing more than the surface appearance of the underlying trait of predicates combining with quantification over events. Thus we convert the Davidsonian program into a biological enterprise—to describe one trait in terms of other traits. This is the analogue of claiming that the anatomy of the hand is really the anatomy of the foot, because hands evolved from feet—just as our language evolved from the more “primitive” language of our predicate-calculus-speaking ancestors in my imaginary example. Our language organ is both meaningful and combinatorial, and Davidson has a theory about what these traits consist in: he is a kind of anatomist of the language faculty.

Then what is Dummett up to? He is contending that the trait of meaning is not actually the trait of having truth conditions but rather the trait of having verification conditions.  [2] We don’t have the former trait because it has no functional utility so far as communication is concerned (it can’t be “manifested”). So Dummett is claiming that a better biological theory is provided by verification conditions. This is a bit like claiming that the function of the eye is not to register distal conditions but to respond to more proximate facts about the perceiver, these being of greater concern to the organism (cf. sense-datum theory and phenomenalism); or that the function of feathers is not flight but thermal regulation (as apparently it was for dinosaurs). Dummett is a kind of skeptic about orthodox descriptions of biological traits. He might be compared to someone who claims that there are no traits for aiding species or group survival but only traits for aiding individual or gene survival (“the selfish meaning”). Quine is in much the same camp: he claims that no traits have determinate meaning, whether truth conditions or verification conditions. The alleged trait of meaning is like the ill-starred entelechy—a piece of outdated mythology. A proper science of organisms will dispense with such airy-fairy nonsense and stick to physical inputs and outputs. For Quine, meaning is bad biology. Nor would Quine be very sanguine about the notion of biological function: for what is to stop us from saying that the function of the wolves’ jaws is to catch undetached rabbit parts? Our usual assignments of function are far too specific to be justified by the physical facts, so we should dispense with them altogether. We need desert landscape biology: no vital spirits, no meanings, and no functions, just bodies being stimulated and responding to stimulation—Pavlovian (Skinnerian) biology. Quine is really a biological eliminativist.

Where does Wittgenstein fit in? He emerges as a biological pluralist and expansionist. He denies that morphology is everything; he prefers to emphasize the biological deed. He forthrightly asserts that language is part of our “natural history” (not much discussion of genetics though).  [3] The Tractatus employed an austere biology of pictures and propositions, while the Investigations plumps for a great variety of sentences and words as making up human linguistic life. Wittgenstein is like a zoologist who once thought there were only mammals in the world and now discovers that there are many types of species very different from each other. He also decides it is better to describe them accurately than try to force them into predetermined forms. His landscape is profuse and open-ended, like a Brazilian jungle. He is resolutely naturalistic in the sense of rejecting all supernatural (“sublime”) conceptions of language. What he would have made of Chomsky I don’t know, but he would surely have applauded Chomsky’s focus on the natural facts and phases of a child’s use of language. His anti-intellectualism about meaning (and the mind generally) is certainly congenial to the biological point of view.

What about Frege? Frege is the D’Arcy Thompson of philosophical linguistics, seeking the mathematical laws of the anatomy of thought. He discerns very general structures of a binary nature (sense and reference, object and concept, function and argument) and finds them repeated everywhere, like the recurrent body-plans of the anatomical biologist. The human skeleton resembles the skeletons of other mammals and indeed of fish (from which all are derived), and Frege finds the same abstract structure in the most diverse of sentences (function and argument is everywhere, like the spinal column or cells). But these abstract structures are not antithetical to biology, just its most general features. When a laryngeal event occurs it carries with it a cargo of semantic apparatus that confers meaning on it, intricate and layered. The speech organs are impregnated with sense and reference as a matter of their very biology, not bestowed by God or human stipulation (the underlying thoughts are certainly not imbued with sense and reference as a matter of culture). Thus it is easy to transpose Frege’s logical system into a biological key—whether Frege himself would approve or not. Again, we should think of the developing infant acquiring a spoken language: his words have sense and reference as a matter of course not as a matter of cultural instigation—this is why language precedes culture for the child. Acquiring language is no more cultural than puberty is cultural (and I have never heard of an ancient theory to the effect that puberty is a gift from God). Meaning comes with the territory, and the territory is thoroughly biological.

Ordinary language philosophy? Why, it’s just ecologically realistic biological theorizing, instead of rigid attachment to over-simple paradigms. It’s rich linguistic ethology instead of desiccated linguistic anatomy.  It’s looking at how the human animal actually behaves in the wild instead of clinically dissecting it on the laboratory table. Austin, Grice, Strawson—all theorists of in situ linguistic behavior. Nothing in their work negates the idea of an innate language faculty expressed in acts of speech and subject to biological constraints. When Austin analyzes a speech act into its locutionary meaning and its illocutionary force he is dissecting an act with a biological substructure, because the language faculty that permit the act is structured in that way. Words are strung together according to biologically determined rules, and the same is true of different types of illocutionary force. Zoology took an ethological turn when scientists stopped examining rats and pigeons in the laboratory and turned their attention to animal behavior in its natural setting; ordinary language philosophy did much the same thing (at much the same time). This led to considerable theoretical enrichment in both cases as the biological perspective widened. One can imagine aliens visiting earth and making an ethological study of human linguistic behavior, combining it with organic studies of speech physiology. They would add this to their other investigations of bee and whale linguistic behavior. All of it would come under the heading of earth biology.

Of course, biologically based language activity interacts with cultural formations, as with speech acts performed within socially constructed institutions (e.g. the marriage ceremony). But the same thing is true of other biological organs—say, the hands: that doesn’t undermine the thesis that basic biological adaptations are in play. It is not being claimed that everything about language and its use is biologically based. But the traits of language of interest to philosophers of language tend to be of such generality that they are bound to be biological in nature. For example, the role of intention in creating speaker meaning, as described by Grice, introduces a clearly biological trait of the organism—purposive goal-directed action. We don’t have intentions as a result of divine intervention or cultural invention; intention is in the genes. Intention grows in the infant along with motor skills and doesn’t depend upon active teaching from adults. Intentions will play a role in cultural activities, but they are not themselves products of culture. The same is true of consciousness, perception, memory, and so on—all biological phenomena.

According to Chomsky, a grammar for a natural language simply is a description of the human biologically given language faculty. Following that model philosophical theories of meaning have the same status: they are attempted descriptions of a specific biological trait. Semantic properties are as much biological properties as respiration and reproduction. Philosophy of language is thus a branch of biology. The standard theories are easily construed this way. Semantics follows syntax and phonetics in making the biological turn. Fortunately, existing philosophy of language can incorporate this insight.  [4]

 

  [1] For an authoritative study see Eric Lenneberg, Biological Foundations of Language (1967) and the many works of Noam Chomsky. If we ask who is the Darwin of language studies, the consensus seems to be Wilhelm von Humboldt (1767-1835).

  [2] The positivists may be construed as claiming that no sentence can have the trait of meaning without having the trait of verifiability. One trait is necessary for the other. This is like claiming that no organ can circulate the blood without being a pump or that no organ can be the organ of speech without expelling air. Thus a metaphysical sentence can’t be meaningful because it lacks the necessary trait of verifiability. No evolutionary process could produce a language faculty that included sentences that mean without being verifiable. Put that way, it looks like a pretty implausible doctrine—why couldn’t there be a mutation that produced meaningful sentences that exceed our powers of verification? Meaning is one thing, our powers of verification another.   

  [3] “Commanding, questioning, recounting, chatting, are as much a part of our natural history as walking, eating, drinking, playing.” Philosophical Investigations, section 25.

  [4] It would be different if existing philosophy of language tacitly presupposed some sort of divine dispensation theory, or a brand of extreme cultural determination; but as things stand we can preserve it by recasting its questions as biological in nature. There is nothing reductionist about this, simply taxonomically correct. 

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The Disunity of the Unconscious

 

 

The Disunity of the Unconscious

 

 

Consciousness has enjoyed the limelight for some time now. It is time for its neglected sister, Unconsciousness, to be let out of the attic and investigated in her own right. One question we can ask is whether the unconscious mind has the kind of unity possessed by the conscious mind. I shall suggest that it does not: what is called “theunconscious” is a motley collection with no internal unity. There is an irreducible plurality of types of unconscious mind exhibiting nothing we could describe as unity. The usual way of talking of “the” unconscious results from modeling unconscious mental states too closely on conscious mental states. We are thus not forced to choose between one kind of unconscious and another; we can accept that there are many types of unconscious mental reality, each co-existing with the others. We are splintered when it comes to the unconscious. We are not as mentally integrated as we might naively suppose.

            Let us start with Freud, because he exemplifies the kind of singularity assumption I am questioning. Freud speaks of the unconscious, meaning the kind of unconscious he took himself to have discovered—mainly concerned with psychosexual relations within the family and beyond. Under his influence that is what many people today would refer to with the definite description “the unconscious”. The Freudian unconscious consists mostly of psychic materials disturbing to the person, and hence repressed; its content shows up in dreams, neurotic symptoms, jokes, and slips of the tongue. Erotic desire for the mother and competitive hatred of the father are part of its disturbing content. The Freudian unconscious is thus conceived as an autonomous, potentially disruptive, psychic system concerned with affect and personal relations—that is what the Freudian unconscious is about. As we would say, that is its intentional content. I am not aware that Freud thought there was any other unconscious apart from this one—though it is perfectly logically consistent to suppose that there is. What he did believe in, however, was what he called the “preconscious”, by which he simply meant mental states not currently present to consciousness—such as ordinary memories or desires not currently attended to. These are accessible to consciousness by means of exercises of will, unlike the contents of the unconscious proper, which are not so accessible, but which can only be brought to light by the practice of psychoanalysis (using, say, free association).

Yet these preconscious mental contents are still unconscious, just not deeply so. So we can say that Freud really believed in two unconscious mental systems: those accessible to consciousness easily and those not accessible easily. He should have spoken of two types of unconscious mental state—the superficial unconscious and the deep unconscious. The former is in many ways much wider than the latter, since it can contain memories of all kinds, not just those that cause anxiety in the person whose memories they are. Since Freud took his unconscious to be primarily sexual, and so limited to that subject matter, the preconscious unconscious includes a great deal more than the sexual—its intentional content can concern anything that can be remembered. In the vast ocean of the unconscious, thus broadly conceived, the specifically Freudian unconscious is quite limited and contained, even if it exerts a strong hold on the person’s conscious mind. It is not that everything mental is fully conscious except for the Freudian unconscious; there are two separate systems of unconscious mental reality existing side by side. And these two systems have quite different functional roles within the overall psyche, as well as different intentional contents: they are not unified in their modes of operation or general significance. In addition to the preconscious Freud also allowed that there are what he called “archaic remnants” of our evolutionary past that are inherited and which are also unconscious. These have a different kind of etiology from that of his own “dynamic” unconscious, and they do not play the kind of role that repressed memories and emotions play in his theory. They are not derived from encounters with the mother and father but stem from our deep biological past. So strictly they do not belong in the same psychic network as the contents of the Freudian unconscious—they are not repressed to start with. If it is difficult to access these archaic remnants, that is not because they are disturbing; rather, they are simply deeply buried and a matter of theoretical speculation. Thus Freud really postulates three unconscious systems—and yet he routinely designates only one of them as “the unconscious”. It is as if he thinks the other two do not quite count as the genuine article–while fully accepting that they are not conscious. He is making what I called the singularity assumption.

Here is where Jung is interesting. Jung also believed in an unconscious largely concerned with family and social relations, with less emphasis than Freud on sexual impulses. But he emphasized something Freud did not—those archaic remnants. For Jung, each person has two unconscious systems: the “collective unconscious” that consists of inherited archetypes and is universal among humans; and the “personal unconscious” which reflects the particular history of a given individual. The latter is more like Freud’s notion of the unconscious in that it reflects the course of a person’s history (it is acquired not inborn); the former corresponds to the inherited biological make-up of the species. No doubt these two forms of unconscious mentality interact, but for Jung they have a different kind of causation (one acquired, the other innate) and also have different intentional contents (the inherited archetypes are deemed unspecific compared to what they become under the impact of personal experience). For my purposes, what matters here is that Jung, more explicitly than Freud, accepted the plurality of the unconscious mind: he believed there were two distinct types of unconscious material (and no doubt he would also have accepted Freud’s preconscious). And again, this is so even though he was considering only certain aspects of the mind in his dual theory of the unconscious—those relating to human society, art, mythology, and so on. He was not considering the full range of human experience or cognitive capacity. 

Let us then range more widely and see how many other kinds of unconscious we need to accept. Once we do so the plurality multiplies. Perhaps the earliest recognition of the unconscious occurs in Plato’s theory of anamnesis, in which he proposes that we are born with knowledge of the forms acquired in a previous life, but forgotten. This knowledge, before it is elicited by experience, exists in us unconsciously, like ordinary inactive memories, but more inaccessibly. The Platonic unconscious is abstract and cognitive, quite unlike the Freudian unconscious, though both model the unconscious on memory—either repressed memories or simply lost memories. Knowledge of mathematics is what Plato wants to account for—not dreams, neuroses, and slips of the tongue. There is no reason at all why Freud should have any objection to Plato’s postulation of his mathematical unconscious, and it would be odd to insist that only his own unconscious should be called the unconscious. There are two separate domains here, both deserving to be called unconscious. It is not as if they are disagreeing about the same thing—as if there were only one unconscious and the question is what it contains (sex or geometry). There are simply two unconscious systems existing side by side, with nothing to unify them. Descartes and Leibniz, following Plato, also postulated an innate and unconscious level of mental reality in their general theory of knowledge. This rationalist unconscious is much wider in scope than anything dreamt of by Freud and Jung, taking in most of human thought. The Freudian unconscious (if it exists at all) is just one small island in the vast and compendious sea of the human unconscious.

Then there is the linguistic unconscious, cheek by jowl with the mathematical unconscious. The linguistic unconscious contains specific kinds of grammatical knowledge, and we are born with it. We have “implicit knowledge” of the rules of language, not “explicit knowledge”—these being alternative ways of speaking of unconscious and conscious knowledge. If we adopt the language of modularity, the linguistic unconscious is regarded as a module separate from the module of mathematical knowledge—and certainly separate from the Freudian unconscious module. The modules might occasionally interact—as repressed feelings might cause slips of the tongue—but the underlying systems are quite distinct and unrelated. In each of these cases we have a conscious expression of what lies beneath—we have conscious emotions or mathematical thoughts or experiences of grammaticality—but there is an unconscious module that regulates what occurs in consciousness. However, whereas the conscious events are unified in a single consciousness, the unconscious activities are not so unified, each proceeding in its own separate sphere. No unconscious module “knows” what the other modules are up to. They are like individual workers on an assembly line, each contributing to the final unified product of a total conscious state, but not communicating with each other. They mind their own business and speak their own language.

We must also add unconscious systems of knowledge suggested by the linguistic case: moral competence, knowledge of “theory of mind”, common sense physics, basic principles of biology. In each of these cases domain-specific cognitive modules have been proposed, usually with an innate basis. The competence in question is taken to exist in the mind before it becomes conscious during learning and maturation.

In addition we have the perceptual unconscious, as championed by Helmholtz and many later psychologists. Helmholtz spoke of “unconscious inference” in connection with perceptual illusions, where the inferences could not be deflected by conscious reasoning—as when our eyes can’t help concluding that the sun sets even though we know quite well that it is not moving but we are. Then there is subliminal perception in its many varieties, as well as the production of perceptual constancies, stereoscopic vision, and so on. None of these important processes are conscious; they are all unconscious. The systems that achieve conscious perception are specific and modular, operating automatically and without input from other systems, conscious or unconscious.

The Kantian unconscious must be mentioned: Kant believes in a noumenal self, analogous to the noumeal world outside, and we are quite unconscious of its nature. It is the hidden face of human nature, and no less real for its inaccessibility. This unconscious self must be presumed to play a role in generating how we perceive and think about the world (it is often pointed out that Freud and Jung were good Kantians who would be well aware of Kant’s hypothesis of a psychic world removed from our ordinary phenomenal awareness).

Adding an extra dimension to this already lengthy enumeration we have what might be called the Darwinian unconscious. The idea is familiar from evolutionary psychology and is an expression of Freud’s “archaic remnants”: we carry within us, as an evolutionary legacy, the psychological apparatus of our ancestors, still preserved (we could say pickled) in our modern brain. This general idea can be taken to varying degrees of remoteness, depending on how far back we care to go. It is often said that our current conscious lives are conditioned by the inheritance of a mind-brain adapted to the African savannah, but we could also postulate remnants of the earlier period of hominid tree dwelling. These could co-exist in the present human brain, occasionally manifesting themselves in our behavior and attitudes. We might go even further back and find remnants of our very distant past, say back to the placoderms: just as we inherited the basic body structure of these armored fish, so we inherited their basic psychological structure—and this may exist in us in unconscious form, perhaps never emerging into the light of day at all. Thus there may be multiple Darwinian unconscious minds lurking somewhere in the folds of our brains, some entirely dormant. We might have dozens of unconscious minds inherited from past species.

Now I have not attempted to argue for all of these varieties of the unconscious, and certainly some are more controversial than others, but the general point should be clear and uncontroversial: the domain of the unconscious is plural, heterogeneous, disunited, and disorganized. There is nothing like co-consciousness or a single conscious self to unify the disparate states and activities that constitute the range of unconscious systems that exist within us. If it is of the essence of consciousness to be a unity, then it is of the essence of unconsciousness to be disunity. We should not speak of “the unconscious” at all, unless we mean simply to refer to the totality of separate unconscious mental systems; certainly we cannot model unconscious mental reality on “the conscious”, where the definite article is fully warranted. The unconscious is eminently divisible, consisting of an assembly of separate systems, unlike consciousness as traditionally conceived. In this respect the unconscious is like the body, but with even less unity—it is made up of distinct organs each performing distinct functions (and some performing no function at all). Just as the lungs work differently from the heart, so one kind of unconscious organ works differently from other kinds. The whole of what we call “the mind” is thus like a colony of minds. Our unity is apparent only at the level of consciousness; behind the scenes we are fragmented and disunited.

Does this mean we consist of many selves? Are there as many selves as there are unconscious modules? My view is that there is no such thing as an unconscious self—all selves are conscious selves. So there is not an unconscious self that is specific to each unconscious system—as it might be, a mathematical self, a linguistic self, a moral self, a perceptual self, a libidinous self. Rather, we can say one of two things: either that the mental states in question have no self as their subject, or that they do but that self is just the familiar conscious self we encounter every day. That is, either there is no “I” for the unconscious systems, or each person can truly say “I am now in unconscious state S”. Of course, I won’t typically know what my unconscious mind is doing at any given time, though I may have indirect theoretical knowledge of such matters; but it will still be true to ascribe the underlying mental states to me. In much the same way, I have kidneys and a liver—though these are not components of my consciousness. If we choose to say the former, we abandon the principle that for every mental state there must be a subject, while we keep that principle if we choose to say the latter. It seems to me not to matter much what we choose to say; what is important is that no one possesses unconscious mental states in the way they possess conscious mental states. There is certainly nothing it is like for someone to possess an unconscious mental state—as there is for a conscious mental state. If there is any “phenomenology” to the unconscious, it is not a phenomenology that is like anything for its bearer—since there is no bearer. In any case, we don’t need to multiply selves in order to account for the plurality of unconscious systems. In the normal course of events, we have just one self and it is conscious; we don’t have in addition a gang of little unconscious homunculus selves. If we like we can say, “I unconsciously inferred that the sun went down”, as we can say “I digested my food”, but we must remember that all these statements mean is that certain unconscious activities within me can be ascribed to one individual rather than another (it wasn’t you who made that inference or digested that food). Conscious mental states must have a bearer, but unconscious mental states don’t have a bearer, except in the trivial sense just mentioned.

I want now to consider briefly four questions arising from the discussion so far. First, can any mental state that is conscious also be unconscious? It seems clear enough that many conscious mental states can take an unconscious form, notably beliefs and other propositional attitudes—memory by itself demonstrates that. According to psychoanalysis, emotions and desires that are conscious can also exist in unconscious form. There are many who would insist that conscious perceptual experiences can also exist unconsciously—as with subliminal perception. The case that has been most controversial is that of bodily sensations like pain: is it possible to have an unconscious pain? It is certainly possible to have an unattended pain, but there is some intuition that an intense pain at least can never be had unconsciously. Granted that all other types of conscious mental state can also be unconscious, it would be odd to find this one exception; but it may be that some mental states cannot exist in unconscious form in their very nature. Still, the general rule appears to be that what is conscious can also be unconscious. If we hold to anything like a higher order thought theory of consciousness, we get that result easily, since all that is necessary to produce an unconscious mental state is to remove the higher order thought. From the point of view of this paper, the interesting point is that states that must be part of a unity when conscious are not part of a unity when unconscious—yet it is the same state. Consciousness imposes unity on its contents, rather than reflecting a unity already found in the mental states as such. If I am consciously thinking about philosophy and at the same time seeing a red object, the two experiences will be unified in my consciousness; but if those same two mental states were to occur unconsciously, they would not be so unified. They would not exist for a single self and they would not be “co-unconscious”.

Second, is there some sort of hierarchy of unconsciousness? Are some forms of the unconscious more unconscious than others? Might one unconscious have another unconscious as its unconscious? All that seems perfectly possible. Freud would allow that some unconscious mental contents are harder to access than others, because more repressed; and the same would be true of other types of unconscious material. That is likely for the Darwinian unconscious, as ancestral forms of mind become ever more remote. Unconscious knowledge of universals, as envisaged by Plato, seems easier to access than unconscious knowledge of universal grammar, as envisaged by Chomsky: the former is elicited by experience, but the latter is not so elicited (or else linguistics would be much easier than it is). The deep Jungian archetypes appear particularly hard to access compared to their particular cultural manifestations. These might count as the unconscious of an individual’s personal unconscious—what lies behind and shapes the idiosyncratic personal unconscious formed by someone’s particular history. 

Third, can there be a totally inert and insulated unconscious? Generally speaking, an unconscious is posited because there is behavioral or conscious evidence for its existence—the unconscious is never encountered “directly”. But is that necessary? I don’t see why, though it would be difficult to find any evidence to make a specific attribution of such a sealed off type of unconscious (there might in principle be evidence from brain structure). What if some ancient ancestral form of mind persisted in our brains by dint of heredity but never revealed itself—it just sits there quietly minding its own business. It might still have psychological reality, just no effects on behavior or consciousness. That seems quite conceivable. And couldn’t the causal links between an unconscious system and behavior be abolished, so that the unconscious system no longer made any difference to behavior? Would that mean the states no longer exist? I don’t see why. If there were such an unconscious system, it would be even more isolated and autonomous than what we find with the systems we know about: it would be a mental world unto itself, with no interaction with anything else. Imagine severing the nerve fibers that connect the Freudian unconscious with the conscious mind and behavior: that would render it impotent, but not less real (this would be a simple surgical way to rid ourselves of the disruptive unconscious–no more bad dreams, neuroses, and slips of the tongue).

Fourth, is it true that every conscious faculty has its corresponding unconscious subsystem? Freud and Jung suppose that our conscious life of social and sexual relations has an unconscious substructure. Plato thinks that our conscious knowledge of mathematics rests upon recovered memories. Descartes holds that we could not have conscious thoughts without first having unconscious innate ideas. Helmholtz conjectures that there can be no perception without unconscious inference. Chomsky contends that we can only consciously use language because of an innate unconscious grammatical competence. So many conscious faculties require an unconscious foundation. But is the same true of our conscious knowledge of history and geography? Is it true that I have unconscious knowledge of historical dates and national capitals? Well, I do have such knowledge in my unconscious memory—but do I have any such unconscious knowledge before learning history and geography consciously? That sounds distinctly dubious; here the unconscious features only trivially, not foundationally. I certainly did not know that Paris is the capital of France unconsciously before learning it consciously. However, there is room for a weaker thesis, namely that conscious historical and geographical knowledge rest upon a foundation of unconscious cognition concerning time and space and the general nature of the material world. If such basic knowledge is innate, then at some point it was unconscious—and it is a necessary condition of acquiring conscious knowledge. It is therefore plausible to suggest that it is on the order of a psychological law that every conscious system depends on an unconscious system—that the conscious mind needs the unconscious mind. Whenever something is going on upfront there is always machinery whirring away behind. As a general rule, the conscious mind presupposes the (or a) unconscious mind.

What is the right image of the mind, viewed in this pluralist way? Just as people tend to a dualism of mind and body, so they tend to a dualism of mind and mind—the conscious mind, on the one hand, and the unconscious mind, on the other. The inner architecture of the mind is like railway tracks, or a pair of horses tethered together, or a married couple. But that dualism should be replaced by a plurality of minds: the conscious mind and its many unconscious partners (or rivals). Thus the architecture is more like a colony or a hive or an extended family. Many separate agencies work together, or ignore each other, or even oppose each other; there isn’t some simple dualism warranting the phrase “the unconscious”. The varieties of the unconscious are as extensive as the varieties of bodily organ or the varieties of animal species. Each of us contains mental multitudes.

 

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Feeling Philosophy

                                                Feeling Philosophy

 

 

Philosophy is an emotional subject. There are philosophical emotions. But are these emotions specific to philosophy or just instances of more general emotions? Is the emotional life of a philosopher essentially identical to that of a physicist or an historian, or is it a life of a different emotional flavor? And how do these emotions contribute to the discipline of philosophy? Do they affect what is believed or what is chosen for study? Are they the reason people go into the subject? These questions are seldom if ever asked, but they are right in front of our noses. We philosophers live with our philosophical emotions every day, wrestling with them, suffering them, enjoying them. But we don’t think of them as part of the subject, as worth philosophical investigation. I propose that we create a new branch of philosophy: the philosophy of philosophical emotion (a branch of meta-philosophy). This is a subject in its infancy (conception?) with not much in the way of data and nothing theoretical to speak of. Here I merely record some impressions and recommend further study.

            Russell was dubbed a “passionate skeptic” and indeed his emotions ran high in the matter of doubt; but he was also a passionate believer—in logic and reason. He was deeply troubled by skepticism about the empirical world, but he had no doubts about reason itself. Wittgenstein was a notably emotional philosopher, as his two major works testify. He spoke of the torments of philosophy, about the difficulty of stopping doing it, about its temptations and false exhilarations. Quine confessed his emotional preference for “desert landscapes” and seemed determined to rid philosophy of emotional uplift; yet his verbal playfulness and mischievous style suggest philosophical joy. Hume’s writings fairly throb with passion and he devoted a lot of time to the subject of passion; he was clearly not a man lacking in emotion. Descartes seems emotionally controlled, a thinking (not emoting) thing, but his animated defense of his positions are anything but affectless. Thomas Nagel speaks of a tendency to hate the problems of philosophy and to wish they would go away. Nietzsche did nothing but emote philosophically. I could go on, as could any philosopher familiar with the field’s figures and feuds, as well as their own daily experience. I have been awash in philosophical emotion for the last forty years—swimming in a sea of it, sometimes drowning and sometimes surfing. I would say that I have found philosophical emotion to be mostly agreeable, though testing on occasion—that is, the kind of emotion I experience when alone thinking. The emotions aroused by the profession of philosophy are another matter, and these are not always so agreeable. I am less interested in exploring these emotions, which reflect local conditions and professional institutions—though they echo some of the emotional qualities found in the pursuit of philosophy as such (despair, exhilaration).

            My own sense is that philosophical emotions are distinctive, not merely instances of something more general, though there are overlaps with other areas. When I studied psychology as a student I was never so emotionally engaged. Philosophical emotion struck me from early on as intoxicating, possibly dangerous, often elating. Even despair about making progress seemed uplifting. Of course, there is the mundane matter of anxiety about making mistakes, getting it wrong, bungling it—being no good. But I have found the emotions of philosophy to be generally positive and not to be obtained elsewhere. It may even be true that I went into philosophy largely because I liked the emotions it produced in me. I liked the way philosophy felt (still do). What it is like to be a philosopher was a reason to be one. One of the attractions is the freedom from the tedium of facts: you don’t have to learn a lot of uninteresting basic information—so there are no dead areas. You are free to speculate and theorize, argue and refute. Logical reasoning is your only constraint, and it is a pleasant form of constraint: it keeps you feeling on track, not lost at sea. Thus we philosophers tend to love logic. Logic, we love you. We feel married to logic. We get offended if logic is insulted or disrespected. Our emotions are logic-centered. But we also love imagination, flights of intellect, mental adventures. This is why the thought experiment gets our juices flowing: here our logical mind takes flight and takes in the conceptual landscape. A seminar room becomes rapt when a philosopher produces a beautiful new thought experiment. The mood lifts, the spirit takes wing; philosophical emotions flood the premises. I don’t think other subjects can reproduce these emotions, though they may afford compensating emotions, because philosophy is not like other subjects. Its characteristic emotions match its content. It is both liberating and burdensome.

Perhaps some areas of philosophy differ from others in their emotional contours—ethics one way, philosophical logic another. But speaking for myself I find the whole field quite emotionally unified: I feel much the same way no matter what I am working on—though perhaps there is a tighter sense of constraint in some areas than others. For me philosophical logic has always been the most satisfying part of philosophy. Identity has thrilled me many times, while existence has caused me the most heartache. Necessity I have loved and fretted over. I have never tired of necessity: I always feel stimulated by it and enjoy its company. Overall I find philosophy emotionally unified within itself and emotionally distinct from other subjects of study. It is true that other subjects can excite similar emotions in me—physics, biology—but that is only when they resemble philosophy. Then I want to do philosophy of physics and philosophy of biology.

            There is a question about whether other types of activity resemble philosophy emotionally. Some analogies can be made, but I don’t think they demonstrate any real unity. I have compared philosophy to pole-vaulting (I used to be a pole-vaulter), but the comparison is more poetic than literal. Is it like fiction, writing it or reading it? Not really, except perhaps for the sense of freedom (but the freedom is different in the two cases). Nor is philosophical emotion anything like musical emotion. Is it romantic? Not quite, but it is not far off. Philosophical emotion is sui generis, which is why there is no substitute for it. We should study it and try to understand its workings. We should bring it up with our students. We should be concerned about its pathologies and negative aspects. We should refine and cultivate it. I suggest conducting surveys and convening workshops, with perhaps a new journal (the Journal of Emotional Philosophy).  [1] This new subject might have some interesting emotional aspects—the emotions we feel while thinking about philosophical emotions.

 

  [1] I see no reason why we could not take recordings from the brain of a philosopher engaged about a philosophical problem: which parts of the brain light up? We could compare this brain activity with that aroused by other subjects.

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Necessity and Truth

 

 

 

Necessity and Truth

 

 

It is generally assumed that necessity implies truth: from “Necessarily p” we can infer “It is true that p”. In possible worlds terms, if a sentence is true in every world, it is true in the actual world. This is taken to be self-evident and to my knowledge has never been questioned. We can certainly never infer falsehood from necessity! But have we considered the full range of cases? Take the sentence “Necessarily the king of France is a monarch”: is that sentence true or false or neither true nor false? It is a false sentence according to Russell’s theory of descriptions and neither true nor false according to Strawson’s theory. But it seems to me to be true; it might be said in reply to someone who claims that the king of France could fail to be a monarch. At least it has a reading on which it is true (“Being king of France logically implies being a monarch”). Yet the sentence “The king of France is a monarch” might not be true: it might be false or neither true nor false, depending on which theorist you agree with. Asserting that sentence either entails or presupposes that there is a king of France, but asserting the necessitation of it does not entail or presuppose that (on one reading). Intuitively, the necessitation says merely that if any object answers to the description “the king of France” it must also fall under the predicate “is a monarch”. The necessity operator cancels the implication of existence carried by the embedded sentence (the same might be said of the belief operator). So the modal sentence can be true without the embedded sentence being true.

            Or consider ethical sentences, such as “Genocide is wrong”. Can we not assert, “Necessarily genocide is wrong” as a way to emphasize the universality of the moral proscription, while maintaining that ethical sentences are not strictly true or false? It may or may not be plausible to maintain that ethical sentences lack truth-value, but surely it is consistent to hold that they suffer that lack while being ready to assert the necessitation of an ethical sentence. To say that the wrongness of genocide couldn’t fail to be so in any world is not to commit oneself to the meta-ethical position that ethical sentences have truth-value. There is a logical gap here. If we take the modal sentence to mean something like, “It is undeniable that genocide is wrong”, that could be true without it following that the sentence that is undeniable is itself true—it might just be morally unquestionable. An emotivist might be happy with assigning the modal sentence a truth-value but deny that the non-modal ethical sentence is thereby a bearer of truth. There may be no circumstances in which someone can legitimately assert that genocide is right and yet “Genocide is wrong” might not be a true sentence.

            If we choose indisputably true sentences to put after “necessarily” we will generate the impression that necessity implies truth, but if we choose other types of sentence that appears not to be the case. We cannot therefore affirm that truth follows from necessity across the board; we need some restrictions if we want to maintain the logical truth of “If necessarily p, then it is true that p”, to the effect that p has to be a truth-bearer. The mere fact of necessity does not entail the truth of what is necessary.  [1]

 

  [1] We can say that Sherlock Holmes is necessarily a man, but can we say that it is true that he is a man? Fictional sentences can express necessities without expressing truths. We might hold that mathematical sentences have no truth-value while also holding that they express necessities. The concept of necessity does not itself imply truth. We could dispense with the whole idea of truth but retain the concept of necessity.

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Skeletons of the Mind

                                                Skeletons of the Mind

 

 

The skeletons of all mammals are said by biologists to be “homologous”. If you look at the skeleton of a bat, say, and compare it with the skeleton of a human or a dog, you find the same number and arrangement of bones (give or take a couple).  [1] This is because all mammals are descended from a common ancestor, with a particular type of skeleton. What differ are the relative lengths and sizes of the bones, which are the result of evolutionary pressures operating on the descendants of the common ancestor. In fact, the skeletons of all mammals are homeomorphisms of each other—variations on the same basic theme. They are all modifications of a single skeleton type. They thus differ from other skeleton types, such as those of crustaceans, which are exoskeletons and have a quite different structure. Each broad type of organism has the same skeletal plan, but with different extensions and compressions of relative bone size (and hence function). This is not obvious to casual observation and is quite surprising: it is easy to miss the underlying commonalities. For example, the bat skeleton is homologous to the human skeleton, but the finger bones are enormously extended to form the struts of the bat’s wing. The webbing between the bat’s fingers is itself an extension of the kind of limited webbing that even human hands possess. Still, the basic anatomy is identical; the differences are quantitative not structural. This is all in keeping with the Darwinian idea that skeletons are evolved forms that preserve an original form but change that form in gradual and continuous ways.

            Can we apply the same basic principles to minds? The bat provides a nice test case: do any of its psychological faculties exhibit this pattern of inherited identity and quantitative extension? Consider echolocation: the bat emits high-pitched sounds that echo off objects and uses this to calculate where the object is and how it might be moving. So the faculties involved are sound production and hearing—though exquisitely fine-tuned hearing. Even humans can manage some rudimentary echolocation: you can shout into a well and get some idea of how deep it is from the echo’s timing. Bats are just very much better at this kind of thing, though they are still using their ears—they don’t have some entirely new sense organ. Their highly developed—extended—hearing is really a variation on hearing as it occurs in other mammals, including us. Just as their fingers are enormously extended, so their hearing is enormously extended (and they have very large ears too): their fingers are adapted to support wings and their hearing is adapted to track objects in the dark. We have a basic mental “bone” modified to serve a particular purpose, as a real bone is modified to serve a particular purpose. And we can understand how natural selection may have worked on bat ears and bat brains over many generations to produce gradually improved organs.

            I suggest that we think of the mind as we think of the skeleton: an identical underlying structure with species variations in size, strength, etc. All mammals have a common ancestor and that ancestor had a specific psychological make-up, which subsequent generations inherited; but then there are also divergences brought about by differing evolutionary histories, resulting in different types of mind—though all sharing the same underlying form. We can’t draw a picture of this form, as we can of a skeleton, but it is not difficult to discern its outlines: the five senses, memory, cognition, emotion, and will—all connected, as bones are connected. No doubt the mammalian psychological skeleton is more specific, differing from that of the crustacean skeleton in important ways; but different species will exhibit variations within that more specific identity. Some will have sharper vision than others, or a keener sense of smell, or a better memory, or superior problem-solving skills, or different intensities of emotion, or different motor skills. But the variation is confined within an overall architecture, though it might be very marked. The species minds are homologous, despite varying quantitatively. Nothing fundamentally new is added in a particular evolutionary line, though quantitative differences can look like qualitative ones. Minds thus obey the same evolutionary laws as bodies—skeletons, in particular.

            This is not difficult to accept for related non-human species–we can see how most mammals are psychological variations on the same theme—but some may feel that the model fails to apply to the human mind, because it is so discontinuous relative to other primate minds. However, this objection fails to reckon with the existence of “missing links” between existing humans and other now-extinct hominids. No doubt there was gradual evolution over the time of these many succeeding species, leading to some marked differences between humans today and our hominid ancestors, notably with regard to language. But it is probable that extinct human species, like Neanderthals, had some form of language, and that Homo sapiens descended from earlier species closer to us symbolically than contemporary monkeys and chimps. Other mammals have communication systems, more or less “primitive”, and there must be a continuous gradient linking our language to theirs—we still have the pattern of a basic skeletal structure and variations in the form of that structure. Our symbolic capacities are like the bat’s hands: grotesquely elongated forms of the same basic thing—grotesque, that is, from some species-specific point of view. That is, some sort of homology likely underlies all mammalian communication systems—though it may be very general and abstract (consider whale, dolphin, and human language). This would be analogous to the homologies that underlie mammalian eyes and ears, among many other things.

            Of course, it is possible for brand new skeletal forms to evolve, given enough time and selective pressure, but within a broad family of organisms we expect to find homology at the skeletal level, as we see clearly with mammals (indeed, with all vertebrates). My point is that we should expect as much (or as little) psychological novelty as we see skeletal novelty—on general evolutionary grounds. And I think we find just that degree of psychological identity and variation: mammals share their basic mind-plans just as they share their basic skeleton-plans. We should think of the mind as structured like the skeleton—this is a truly “naturalistic” way to understand the mind.

            The mammalian skeleton obviously evolved from earlier pre-mammalian skeletons, ultimately going back to fish skeletons and beyond. That is why we observe the anatomical similarities that we do between fish and their descendants. But in the same way the minds of mammals are descended from the minds of earlier species, going back to fish; and here too there are obvious homologies, particularly with regard to the senses. Skeletons span geological time, and so do minds—with the usual sort of constancy and variation. We should not exaggerate our differences from our ancestors, or indeed our contemporaries; but we should also be alert to extreme variations from a common origin—as with the bat hand and the human hand. Just as the skeletons of different species were not created independently of each other, but stem from a common source, so the minds of different species were not created afresh for each species, but stem from a common ancestral mind. Thus we have diversity within unity, with the unity often less obvious than the diversity. The bat’s skeleton is a vivid illustration of this basic biological fact, as is its mind. And just as we find it hard to imagine hearing like a bat, so we find it hard to imagine using our hands like a bat. We have some inkling because of the underlying homology, but the degree of variation, though essentially quantitative, renders full comprehension difficult, if not impossible.

 

  [1] See Richard Dawkins, The Greatest Show On Earth (New York: Free Press, 2009), chapter 10.

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The Concept of a Person

                                                The Concept of a Person

 

 

I have come to the conclusion that the concept of a person, as philosophers employ that concept, is a bad concept. It leads to the formulation of bad questions that have no answers. The concept does not pick out any natural kind and is quite misleading. It should be abandoned as a concept in philosophy, except in a very restricted setting.

            What counts as a person? We typically apply the word to ordinary adult humans of sound mind, assuming a certain set of mental characteristics—intelligence, consciousness, self-reflection, self-governance, memory, etc. But what about children: when does a human child become a person? Is it at the age of sexual maturity, or when the child starts to walk and talk, or at birth, or in the third trimester, or at conception? Opinions differ radically. According to the standard Lockean definition, in terms of conscious self-reflection, persons must have advanced cognitive skills, so that personhood only begins when the mind reaches a certain level of sophistication—possibly around puberty or later, depending on the individual. So many human children are deemed non-persons—though they have human bodies, minds, language, and will. What about those suffering from various forms of mental deficit—are they persons? Is an autistic adult a person? Does Alzheimer’s destroy personhood? Does coma eliminate the person? Are you a person while asleep, or just before you die in your sleep? And is there a science of persons? Is this concept useful in biology, or psychology? Why do we have the concept? What does it do for us?

            We are apt to restrict the concept of a person to the human species—only humans are said to be persons. Our pets are not deemed persons, nor are our closest biological relatives. Would we call other hominids persons if they still existed—Neanderthals, Homo erectus, et al? Didn’t some people once deny that individuals of other races are persons? But are we just wrong to impose these restrictions—might we discover that gorillas, say, really are persons after all? What would such a discovery involve? Might their DNA make us accept that gorillas are persons, as it might make us accept that they belong to the same family that includes lemurs? Could their personhood be a scientific discovery? And if they are persons, what about other primates, other mammals, or even reptiles—might they too be persons for all we know? Is it that we know empirically that crocodiles are not persons, as we know they are not warm-blooded? Is that a scientific fact? Is it conceivable that turtles might turn out to be persons—but not the shark or the octopus? And when did the biological kind persons evolve? Might we stop calling ourselves persons if our mental faculties drop below a certain level (“we used to be persons but now we don’t measure up”)?

            There is a philosophical subject called “personal identity” in which we strive to find what constitutes the continued existence of a person. The subject involves many ingenious thought experiments, and it is difficult to come up with a satisfactory theory. Presumably the question is not supposed to include non-persons: we are not seeking the conditions of non-personal identity—the question is supposed to be exclusively about persons as such. So we are not interested in young children and members of other species, since they don’t count as persons. But the same thought experiments, and the same theories, can be applied to these non-persons too. A human child, say three-year-old Jill, persists through time, and we can ask what her persistence consists in—what makes this child Jill. Is it her body or brain or memories or consciousness or personality—or none of the above? We can envisage swapping her brain for Jack’s brain, or dividing her brain in two, or erasing her memories—the usual philosophical moves. Yet none of this is about personal identity, Jill not being a person (yet), as we may suppose. Or if you think human children do count as persons, even going as far back as the fetus, what about cats and dogs—what does their identity through time consist in? What makes Fido, Fido? We can swap Fido’s brain, zap his memories, tinker with his personality, and subject him to teletransportation—the philosophical works. Yet none of this concerns a question of personal identity—just canine identity: “Is it the same dog?” not “Is it the same person?” But surely these questions about non-persons are really the same as questions about the identity of persons—we have not got two philosophical problems here, one about persons and the other about non-persons. So the question of personal identity, as it is normally pursued, is not really a question about personal identity as such—that is a misnomer. The concept of a person is not the concept we need to pursue these kinds of questions: it is too restrictive.

            And quite possibly it makes the questions needlessly intractable, because the concept itself is so vague, messy, and unnatural. We can ask what constitutes identity of body, identity of mind, and identity of animal (dog or gorilla, say), but asking what constitutes the identity of a “person” is not a very well defined question, pending some clearer idea of what a person is. What question is left over when we have answered those other questions—in particular, when we have answered the question of what dog identity or human identity is? If we have a theory of human identity over time, don’t we have all we need? In other words, why not focus on species concepts and formulate the question that way? These are sortals in good standing, unlike the putative sortal “person”, which admits of so much indeterminacy. If we find we can settle questions of animal identity—dogs, turtles, humans—why bother with the supposed further question of personal identity? Maybe this just generates pseudo-questions that simply have no answer. We can also meaningfully inquire about the identity through time of minds—what makes me have the same mind today that I had yesterday or a year ago? The answer will specify my mental capacities, as well as certain kinds of psychological continuity; and the question posed may have a clear answer. But this will not satisfy the seeker after the secret of personal identity, which is construed as a question about another kind of entity entirely—the person. For why–that seeker will ask–couldn’t the same person have a different mind at different times, and why couldn’t different persons share the same mind? Such questions appear fanciful, but they are easily generated from the assumption that there is a substantial further issue about personal identity. However, if we simply stop asking that question—that is, stop going on about the supposed category of persons—we can still cover all the ground that really matters, viz. identity of body, animal, and mind. There is really no additional question in this neighborhood worth asking–so at least the skeptic about “personal identity” will contend. There is clearly a challenge here to explain what well-defined question remains once those other questions have been dealt with. The concept of a person is really quite a recent addition to our conceptual repertoire, but surely there were questions about our identity through time before it made its entrance.

            It is suspicious that we don’t have a term corresponding to “person” for other species. Some well-meaning people suggest that we should extend the concept to other species, because of their psychological similarities to us; but that seems rather forced and stipulative. What is odd is that we don’t have a more general concept of which person is a special case, given that we recognize that animals have minds as well as bodies. We think Fido is the same dog from day to day, as we think Bill is the same human from day to day; but we don’t have a term corresponding to “person” to add to our description in the case of Fido. There is a natural kind here that subsumes both Bill and Fido, and which resembles the concept of a person, but we don’t actually have a word that does this job—hence we have to say bluntly that Fido is a non-person. We might try using “psychological subject” or “ego” or “self”, but these don’t capture the notion of a non-human but person-like being (a “quasi-person”?). What this suggests to me is that the concept of a person is not really a natural kind concept at all—it is not intended to capture significant natural traits of things. It has a completely different function. That is why we don’t have a more capacious notion of a person, despite recognizing similarities between ourselves and other species, and indeed between adult humans and juvenile humans (as well as others). The job of the word “person” is not to capture the nature of a certain kind of thing; rather, it is to enforce a certain kind of division—to stipulate a certain kind of exclusion. It is intentionally invidious.

            Locke remarked that “person” is a forensic term, i.e. a term of the law. Let me rather say that it is a political and legal term, as is the concept expressed. To classify an individual as a “person” is to grant him or her certain rights—legal, political, moral. A person is precisely someone who possesses, or is deemed to possess, these rights—a right-holder. It is like calling someone a “gentleman” as opposed to a “commoner”: the point is to indicate how such a one is to be treated, not to get at some natural essence. We don’t refuse to call children and animals persons because we think they differ fundamentally from us in their objective nature; we do it because we are marking them out as beyond the normative sphere to which normal human adults belong—the sphere of responsibility, legal obligation, ownership, and so on. True, there are real differences that underlie this kind of forensic distinction, but the term “person” is employed to abstract away from these and focus on matters of law and politics. We declarea young human a person upon the attainment of a certain position in society, as we might stipulate a gorilla to be a person if gorillas come to be accorded legal rights comparable to those applicable to adult humans. It is not that we discover these creatures to be persons by observation or analysis—though we may discover relevant facts about their minds or bodies. The term “person” is a kind of honorific or status term, intended to signify belonging—it connotes legal and political standing. It is like “citizen” or “aristocrat” or “star” or “lady”. It is not the concept of a certain kind of natural entity.

            If this is right, we can see what is going wrong with the philosopher’s use of the concept of a person. It is not a concept designed for, or useful in, metaphysical or scientific contexts, but in political or legal contexts. There is no such question therefore as the “nature of persons” or “personal identity through time”–though there are real questions about the nature of animals and their minds and about the identity through time of animals and their minds. We can certainly ask about minds of different levels of complexity, up to and including the Lockean conception of a self-reflective conscious being that can “consider itself as itself”. But this should not be interpreted as a division into “persons” and “non-persons”: there are just too many grades of animal (and human) mindedness for that dichotomy to be realistic. There is no such ontological subject as persons—at least as that concept is normally understood by philosophers. The kind “normal adult human with legal rights and obligations” is not a metaphysical kind, as philosophers have attempted to make it.   Philosophers have extracted the concept of a person from its natural forensic context and tried to press it into metaphysical service, by asking questions about a supposed ontological category. The failure to make much progress with these questions is an indication that this appropriation was misconceived. Let us then drop the concept of a person from metaphysics and return it to its proper place in law and politics. We can still discuss the nature of animals, humans included, and ask about the identity through time of these entities—recognizing that they are essentially embodied minds—but we will not do so under the rubric “persons” or “personal identity”. There are no persons, as philosophers have employed the concept, primitive or non-primitive, basic or non-basic, analyzable or unanalyzable.

 

Colin McGinn

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