Cancel Culture and Free Speech

Cancel Culture and Free Speech

(I don’t like the phrase “cancel culture” because it suggests that there is something cultural about it, and it is more like annihilation than mere cancellation; but I will go along with it.) When a person is cancelled because of their speech there are two forms of speech that are outlawed: the speech of the person cancelled and the speech of those who might wish to defend that person. The former is treated as a criminal, with penalties attaching, and the defenders are treated as accomplices to the crime, thus incurring a similar punishment. A short time ago I issued an invitation, or challenge, to question me on the topic of cancellation: not one person responded, by email or phone. What can we infer from this? You might think it is because everyone thinks the cancellation is justified and there is nothing more to be said. I know for a fact that this is not true, so why the silence? The best explanation is that no one wants to be seen as opposed to the cancellation. They are afraid of what will happen to them if it becomes known that they are open-minded or sympathetic. They acquiesce in the cancellation because they fear the repercussions of publicly not acquiescing. That is to say, they are cowards. They are terrified that their careers might be harmed. I need not make historical analogies. They are restricting their own speech because of the penalties that may accrue to them. So, free speech is doubly discouraged. There is no free speech on such matters in academic philosophy in America. This is no different from other forms of suppression of speech, and just as evil. The perpetrators are people calling themselves feminists. They obviously don’t believe in free speech. This is deplorable and disgusting. There is no such cancellation of me in the rest of the world, or suppression of people opposed to this cancellation. But here in America, the land of free speech, speech is being vigorously suppressed. People fear loss of reputation, opportunity, and even employment for speaking their minds. But no shame is felt by those enforcing the cancellation. They are really no different from other opponents of free speech, probably the most basic intellectual value.

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Human Nature Philosophy

Human Nature Philosophy

According to Aristotelian tradition, every species has a specific nature. Every natural kind has a unique defining form. Chemical substances provide the model: each chemical element has a constitutive atomic structure. Natural kinds have determinate nominal and real essences—attributes that characterize them uniquely. The human kind is no different: it has a distinctive nature that makes it the kind it is. Thus, tradition has it that the human kind is defined as Homo sapiens; as we might say, the thinking ape. Snakes have a snake nature, cows a cow nature, and humans a human nature—a distinctive mode of existence, a form, an essence. But at this point agreement ends: for many contrary suggestions have been made about the essence of human nature. Here is a list: freedom, knowledge, thought, language, imagination, perception, reason, memory, morality, awareness of mortality, creativity, neurosis, consciousness. These traits have philosophical schools attached to them and famous names: existentialism, empiricism, rationalism, romanticism, Sartre, Locke, Hume, Descartes, Kant, Plato, Proust, Heidegger, Chomsky, Wittgenstein, Freud. Each thinks it has hit on the essence of man—what man deeply and fundamentally is. I could add a couple of less prominent proposals: technology, humor, the hands, intellectual perception. Strangely, no one ever plumps for emotion, presumably because it is too close to animal nature—though human emotions are surely in a class of their own. And there is no denying that these are central salient traits of the human animal. But which is it? What fulfills the Aristotelean requirement? What are we really, centrally, essentially? What makes us uniquely us?

I say: none of the above. Not because I have another theory up my sleeve, but because there is no unique Aristotelean essence of the human animal. We just have a plurality of important traits—we don’t have anything like a chemical real essence. We are a congeries. We are all of the above, with no overarching essence, no unifying principle. We aren’t even a family resemblance kind; we are a split kind, no kind at all, a heap. We are nothing in particular. We have no species identity.[1] We are the species with no name, no defining characteristic, nothing on which to pin our identity. Aristotle is a counter-example to himself! He refutes his own doctrine, and that of his many successors. We can’t even say which trait or traits are primary and which secondary; we overlap with other species in some of our traits, while differing in others. I think intellectual vision and the hand are neglected, but I don’t think they are especially central. We are a list, a ragbag: that is our essence, our identity. Our essence is to have no name. Homo what? And we are aware of this: we know ourselves as multiple beings composed of disparate parts. We feel no species unity inside, not even the unity of Sartrean nothingness. We aren’t a radically free nothingness; we are a bunch of different things, loosely joined. I would say our major three components are perception, thought, and language—but we are all the rest too. We are what we are, plural. We have no unitary human nature.

It is an interesting question whether we are uniquely thus. There is no necessity about this: we might not be alone in our plurality. Other animals (or aliens) might be in the same case. It would still be our situation. But I rather doubt it is the general case; I suspect we are alone in lacking a unitary nature. I think there is a snake nature and a walrus nature, even a chimpanzee nature—though I hesitate to describe it. There is even a Vulcan nature (cool, rational, imperturbable). But there is no human nature, save the congeries outlined. The Aristotelean framework may apply to everything in the natural world except us. Our nature is not neat and orderly but various and messy. We are a bit of everything (like an everything bagel, complete with a hole in the center). There is so much going on inside us, pulling us in different directions. Animals in general are simpler beings with a clear animal nature: elephants are not swamped with language and imagination, freedom and abstract knowledge. They are not in doubt about what they will be when they grow up—manual workers, artists, scientists, priests, musicians, entrepreneurs. So many things to choose from, so many traits to cultivate and exploit! We are too multifaceted for our own good; our given nature doesn’t incline us in a fixed direction. Our lack of a unitary nature is the bane of our existence. We are not so much a blank slate as a crammed slate. Existentialism thought we are a nothingness; in fact, we are a too-muchness. We have no clear idea what we are, because there is no single thing we are—not free agents, not thinkers, not speakers, not knowers, not imaginers, not rememberers, not fearers of death, etc. We are all those things, but none of them in particular. In the beginning was the multiplicity (not the deed or the word or the image). How many natures do I have? Let me count the ways.[2]

[1] This isn’t to say we have no biological identity, i.e., physical identity. The human body has as much of a unitary essence as any animal body. It is the human mind that lacks such an essence—our species of mind. When people speak of human nature, they chiefly have in mind the type of mind we have. This is connected to the question of the criterion of the mental (it is hard to find one)

[2] The reason kinds of object are thought to have a unitary real essence is that they have a unitary nominal essence. In the case of animals this is largely a matter of behavior (as well as physical appearance). This works well enough for most animal species, given their uniformity of behavior; but in the case of humans, we have enormous plasticity and variety of behavior. It is hard to pin down a fixed and limited nominal essence, because of all the psychological complexity of the species (all those coexisting faculties). Thus, there is no characteristic human nominal essence consisting in a single central behavioral pattern; we have many real essences, i.e., well-defined psychological capacities. We are not just accomplished speakers but also wide-ranging knowers and tremendous imaginers and great rememberers and vociferous moralists. We are not specialized enough to have a single human nature, not confined enough. We are many things simultaneously. We could be called Homo pluribus. We are like an all-purpose toolbox.

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In Defence of Offensiveness

In Defense of Offensiveness

It is amazing how much people hate free speech. They are totally against it. Why? The answer is obvious: they hate the truth. And why do they hate the truth? Because truth implies criticism—of them. Someone might tell the truth about them and they don’t want that. Why don’t they want it? Because they have done bad things and they don’t want to be exposed. They hate free speech because they are unethical. There is no mystery here. People conflate threats with free speech because they feel threatened by free speech—rightly so. The truth is threatening if you are on the wrong side of it. If you have done bad things, you will want to keep this under wraps; but free speech threatens to expose the wrongdoing. So, people are against it—no matter what they might say. This is why free speech is so important, especially in politics. People in power hate free speech the most, because it threatens their power. Free speech is the freedom to tell the truth—and that is terrifying if you are guilty of crimes and corruption. That is why it is so important to insist on it. I would go further: offensive speech must be not only allowed but encouraged. People should engage in it frequently, just to keep the wheels oiled. It is the foundation of democracy—offensive speech—as offensive as possible. You should practice it in your living room. It’s a skill you may need. Because critical speech is in its nature offensive—it offends the individual criticized. Especially if the criticism is of a moral nature: calling someone immoral or unethical is offensive—no one wants that. And the language you use may be, shall we say, colorful. Calling someone a liar is perfectly within bounds, if that’s what they are; calling them a fucking liar is also permissible. The speech needs to be offensive if it is to serve its purpose—to discourage evil. There is no nice way to say that someone is a bully, a liar, and a fool. Offensive speech is good—so long as it is justified. The US Constitution should have a clause saying “Offensive speech should never by punishable by law or similar means”. Then the intent would be clear. This includes vulgarity, bad taste, raised voices, sneering and booing. Comedians, in particular, should know no bounds. You may deplore what they say and despise them for saying it, but they must not be thrown in jail or deprived of employment (so long as people want to see them). Offensive speech is often brave speech, because people may hate you for it and refuse to be your friend. Fine, you take that risk, but you should not be incarcerated for it, or beaten, or executed, or exiled. Anyway, free speech is vital to a healthy society (or family). It is opposed because it can be critical and damaging. We need to have libel laws, but truth is always a defense. The next time you hear someone denouncing someone else’s right to free speech, look at what they are trying to hide. They are doing it for a reason.

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The Clustering Problem

The Clustering Problem

How and why do properties cluster together into an object? How and why do many accidents join together to form a single substance? How do they constitute a cohesive unitary whole? The properties are separate existences yet they form clusters: what binds them together? What is the unifying glue? Why don’t they occur independently and singly, and why don’t they fall apart for lack of necessary connection? It is different for analytic connections: there is no puzzle about how and why bachelorhood and maleness and singleness cling together, but why do shape and color (say) keep each other company? What makes an object combine being red with being square?[1] How do these different things belong to the same thing? Parts of objects can exist separately, but properties of objects can’t: no property can be instantiated without other properties being instantiated alongside it. Properties necessarily come in pluralities; a certain sort of holism obtains. In fact, a given object has a huge number of properties if we include relations; it is a hive of properties. What makes them band together so tenaciously? There is no force that we know of that does this—nothing like magnetic attraction or superglue. They hold tightly together but without visible support. Yet they don’t merge or meld. They come in neat bundles but there is no mechanism of bundling. It seems quasi-miraculous—they just do it! In a world without clustering, it would seem like a miracle if someone brought it about—like bringing all the stars together into a single enormous super-star. How does Plato account for it, with his universals all lined up discretely in a row? Do they suddenly embrace each other? Predicates don’t do that: you can write one predicate down without having to write down any others. Even concepts are not so group-oriented: you can think one concept of an object without having to think other concepts of that object (except analytically connected ones). Whence this propensity to coalesce that we see in properties? They seem to seek out each other’s company, as if they can’t stand to be alone. What is this curious connective affinity? What is the solution to the binding problem?

Someone might feel so baffled by this binding that they contemplate denying the appearances. It isn’t really true that a single object has many mysteriously connected properties. There is no monism of objects at the center of a plurality of properties; rather, there is a corresponding plurality of objects. There isn’t one object that is both red and square; there is one red object and one square object. Each object has its characteristic property, but no object has both. It is like the mind and the body for a Cartesian: the mind is thought and the body is extension—nothing is both.[2] Similarly, nothing is both colored and shaped; different things are. We go dualist on objects, thus avoiding the clustering problem. There is no such thing as clustering, only a misguided monistic ontology. Away with the multiply instantiating object! We expand our ontology to save our metaphysics. Or again, we wax eliminative: the only true properties are shape properties—colors are mythical, non-existent. Then there is no clustering to worry about (compare eliminative materialism). And there is a third option: we go full monism–all properties are identical! We don’t have to worry about the mind-body problem (that mysterious psychophysical nexus) if all properties are physical; we just reduce the mind to the body. Similarly, we might claim that all properties are of a single type when you get right down to it—as it might be, shape properties (modes of extension). Colors are really shapes (of molecules, say). Then there is no clustering of disparate properties: everything can be done with macro shapes and micro shapes, with no one thing having more than a single property. Obviously, this is a pretty dramatic move, but it exists in logical space (I don’t believe it for a second). Or we could get even more dramatic and deny that anything exists—no objects and no properties. The whole ontology of substances and attributes is misguided, an illusion of reason. Then there will be no clustering of properties in objects, just the appearance of it. If the clustering is mysterious and inexplicable, as we naively think of it, then philosophers of a certain stripe will seek for extravagant solutions, generally revisionary (mystery phobia can lead to strange abreactions).

The problem of causation is that we can’t identify and describe the necessary connection in which we think causation consists. The problem of analyticity is that we can’t discern the semantic entailment on which it rests. The mind-body problem is that we can’t understand the emergence relation between brain and mind, though it apparently exists. The problem of clustering is that we can’t grasp the principle of cohesion that ties one property to other properties in a single object. We have a family of problems here of similar form, all centering on opaque necessary connections. My purpose has been to add the clustering problem to the list. This is a problem in basic ontology—it could hardly get more basic. It is the problem of how objects are possible; alternatively, what properties are.[3]

[1] Geometry treats shape independently of color, thus showing their independence, but shape cannot exist concretely without color—or mass, position, solidity, rigidity, etc.

[2] It is odd that the mind-body problem has not generated more than two substances (matter and spirit), given that the mind is not a homogeneous domain. Why not postulate one substance for reason and another for sensation, given the deep differences between them? Or one for volition and one for cognition. How could such different attributes coexist in a single object? Yet they appear to.

[3] Hume called causation the cement of the universe—what holds the whole contraption together. But there is a more fundamental kind of cement—the kind that holds individual objects together. Properties don’t just co-exist in a single object; they cannot be instantiated without the assistance of other properties. Why is this and how is it accomplished? That is the problem of objects themselves—how the bundling of properties comes about, by necessity. They are not really bundles (loose assemblages) but more like living organisms—complex organized internally cooperative things. It is as if the properties are in a symbiotic pact with each other. Colors and shapes are born cooperatively into an object in which they live out their days till separated or the object is destroyed. In some ways they are like cooperating genes with objects as their vehicle. They stick together opportunistically. They cohabit in a single object for the duration; they have no choice.

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Moral Rigidity

Moral Rigidity

We think of the morally rigid person as stiff, stern, intolerant, inflexible, old-fashioned, stubborn, and unintelligent. No one wants to be accused of being morally rigid—the Victorian prude, the stern and strict headmaster, the punitive prison warden. It’s just not nice, not cool, not lovable. But isn’t rigidity part of what morality is? Look at ordinary language: the good person is said to be strong, solid, upright, firm, unshakeable; the bad person is described as soft, weak, spineless, pliable, malleable, easily manipulated, bending under pressure, unreliable, lacking a backbone. To be a good person is to have principles, to stand one’s ground, to not back down, to have integrity—all terms that connote moral quality. A bad or weak person is the opposite of these—easily swayed, susceptible to corruption, unprincipled, lacking in moral strength or courage or fiber. A morally deficient person is made of jelly; a morally admirable person is made of sterner stuff—the right stuff (maybe gold or teak or bone). So, moral rigidity—unwaveringness—is an essential ingredient in the moral self. It is what integrity consists in. Of course, you have to be rigid about the right things—rigidity alone will not make you good. But you have to be able to stick with these things through thick and thin. You have to be able to keep your moral shape, come what may.

This point bears on more theoretical questions. Deontologists advocate following moral rules strictly; consequentialists favor being responsive to consequences, abandoning moral rules where necessary. This worries deontologists, to the point that they even ban any departure from strict rules, e.g., Kant on lying. Moral requirements are deemed strict and absolute, no exceptions allowed. This can seem dogmatic and extreme, but if we remember rigidity, we can see the motivation. Once rigidity is abandoned, morality comes under threat, because rigidity is essential to virtue—sound moral character. Consequentialism isn’t rigid enough; it smacks of a lack of principle, moral inconstancy. It makes morality into mush—the opposite of tough and unyielding. It makes us want to insist that we must adhere to the rules except under very special circumstances, if at all. It isn’t just a dogma of Kantian deontology; it’s part of the very structure of moral character. And we can always say that we are rigidly obeying the supreme moral imperative, namely to maximize happiness and minimize pain. We should be proud to be morally rigid (about the right things)—rigidly sexually tolerant, say, or rigidly free speech. Morality should never be flexible, i.e., ready to abandon itself. It is never right not to be moral. Rigid virtue is the only true virtue—all else is corruption and opportunism. We don’t “go with the flow”; we take our oar to the current. We never go morally limp or flabby or jelly-like. We remain stiff as a board, granite-hard, rock-solid. Rigidity is next to Godliness.[1]

[1] Why does every revolution involve throwing the baby out with bathwater? Why must we always be so undiscriminating? Why can’t we keep the good while trashing the bad? The history of human morality involves far too much baby-flushing. It’s apt to make a chap into a conservative!

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Al Franken and Me

Al Franken and Me

I was at George Soros’s wedding in 2013, a lavish affair with hundreds of people in attendance, talking to Senator Al Franken. I explained George’s favorite joke to Al: What is the difference between a Hungarian and a Rumanian? They will both sell you their mother, but the Hungarian will deliver. No bad, Al remarked. This was before Senator Franken had been removed from the Democratic party; he was still a promising new senator representing Minnesota. I myself was in the process of being cancelled by the American philosophy profession. A couple of years later his own party destroyed his political career in their ill-advised liberal zeal. At this point I lost faith in the Democratic party, as I had already lost faith in the American philosophy profession (remember I was not the only philosopher to lose his job and reputation). This was American liberals at their worst. I don’t doubt that this kind of behavior—stupid and cruel—is what led to the troubles of the Democrats, which led to the triumph of Trump. I also think that the treatment of various philosophers around this time is a disgrace to American philosophy that will not soon be erased, if ever. It’s the kind of thing that makes people despise universities. We know what happened next: Trump and the rise of the punitive right. It is notable that Al Franken is still rejected by the Democratic party and the cancelled philosophers are still cancelled. I see a bleak future ahead in politics and university life. The politics of personal destruction is alive and well on the left.

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Knowledge of Matter and Mind

Knowledge of Matter and Mind

We don’t naturally know the nature of matter. We can’t know it just by looking. We had to figure it out over a long period of time. It wasn’t easy to discover the atomic theory. But the same is not true of the mind: here we do naturally know whereof we speak. We know what consciousness is; we don’t just point to it from afar. We may not know how it works, but we know what it is. We know what it is because it is as it appears: and we know how things appear to us. It seems to us that consciousness has objects (intentionality), and it does. By contrast, it seems to us as if matter is continuous, but it isn’t; we would never have thought that matter is mostly empty space punctuated by tiny particles. We know how things feel to us and that is what consciousness is. But matter is not the same as how it feels to us—we know that perfectly well. Matter is not consciousness of matter, but consciousness is consciousness of consciousness; there is no gap between consciousness and itself. We thus naturally know our own consciousness. This is a deep epistemic dualism. On the face of it, it implies an ontological dualism. We can therefore mount an “ignorance argument” against the identity theory: matter is something we are naturally ignorant of, whereas mind is something we naturally know; therefore, they cannot be identical.

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Extremism and Violence

Extremism and Violence

People (pundits, politicians) have been trying to figure out the origins of political violence. We are told that such violence stems not from the radical left or the radical right but from being too radical. We need more political moderation, less “radicalization”. The dictionary (OED) gives us the following for “radical”: “relating to or affecting the fundamental nature of something—innovative or progressive”. It is hard to see what could be wrong with that: surely, we can be concerned about the fundamental nature of something and be innovative and progressive in regard to it. Reading on we find as the third definition: “advocating thorough political and social reform; politically extreme”. The first part is again unexceptionable: sometimes thorough reform is desirable and welcomed (e.g., various forms of tyranny). It is the second part that people have in mind in speaking of being overly radical: we mustn’t be extreme. Extremism is the problem, the cause of violence. We must educate people to be less extreme in their opinions (perhaps also in their emotions)—more restrained, qualified, compromising. But is that right? Isn’t extremism sometimes warranted? Wasn’t Jesus pretty extreme? If something is very wrong, you need to be extreme about it—you can’t be mealy-mouthed, wavering, compromising. I myself am quite extreme about genocide: I think people who do it are behaving very badly (and are probably bad people—I would not hang out with such people). I am an anti-genocide extremist. Aren’t you? In fact, I am an extremist about many things: torture, animal cruelty, rape, murder, etc. I think these things are really bad and I am completely against them, extremely so. There is nothing wrong with extremism as such, obviously. It all depends on what you are extremist about. Racial discrimination is clearly bad, or the death penalty for naughty children, or a boss who works his employees to death—we should be extremely against such things. It is right to be an extremist in support of the good, but not in support of the bad. In other words, you can’t keep substantive moral values out of the definition of what should be discouraged. Obviously! There is no morally neutral definition of what kind of extremism should be tolerated. It isn’t how strongly you believe, it’s what you believe in. If you believe in evil things, you are apt to do evil things—and they are likely to be violent acts. If you falsely believe that all people of a certain ethnic group are murderers and rapists, you are likely to do harm to members of that group—you might even advocate deportation for anyone of that group. If you have false ignorant beliefs about the badness of innocent people, you will be apt to do violent things to them. Not so if your beliefs are true and rational. So, we need not teach moral and political moderation; we can teach instead moral and political rationality. Accordingly, if one side of a political divide has many irrational false beliefs, while the other side has mostly rational true beliefs, then the latter should be applauded and the former criticized. The right policy, then, is simply this: instill true beliefs and discourage false beliefs. Then you won’t get people acting on false moral and political beliefs, sometimes violently. We can’t avoid the hard work of truth and logical reasoning by simply banning any form of “extremism”. For sometimes extremism is good and anything short of extremism less than good, even bad (“Oh, I’m not so opposed to genocide in all cases, though I agree it can be quite bad sometimes”).

But this is not the end of the story. It isn’t just a matter of beliefs; we need to reckon with emotions, traits of character, streaks of insanity, criminal tendences. Some people are more prone to violence than others, with beliefs held constant—they just tend to hit out more. The roots of political violence, then, are not confined to moral and political beliefs, but include other psychological factors—and these need to be controlled too. What are these violence-inducing psychological dispositions? That is a hard question, but it is not to be answered by talk of being “radical” or “extremist”. These mantras are far too simple, papering over a complex psychological reality. But better to acknowledge this than offer threadbare formulas like “Don’t be a radical” or “Don’t go to extremes”. This is political punditry not genuine intellectual engagement with the issue.[1]

[1] It is sometimes said that the internet is the problem, but it can only be part of the problem. I read things on the internet but I don’t get hijacked by crazy or evil ideologies; the reason, presumably, is that I am too well-educated to be so easily fooled. So, better education must be part of the solution.

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