Dumbocracy

Dumbocracy

It’s official, we are now living in a dumbocracy (OED “government by the dumbest”). We used to live in a democracy, but (as Plato predicted) democracy has an inherent tendency to degenerate into dumbocratic rule. The causes are somewhat mysterious (political scientists are baffled) but it is marked by the rise of ignorance, stupidity, and aphasia. In our case we have decided to go outside the human species for our governing elite. We have a muskrat in charge of federal employment (a muskrat is defined by Wikipedia as “a medium-sized semiaquatic rodent”): the Elon (short for “elongated”) Muskrat is known for its predatory behavior towards vulnerable animals. Then we have the Hegseth baboon noted for its loud cries and general uncouthness. Also, the striped Gabbard bird that feeds on small insects and was once regarded as harmless, accompanied by a croaking and florid Krocodile over at Health. The obscure Homans Simpletons mainly sticks to chasing powerless newcomers around. And, of course, we have the apex scavenger, the greater orange-faced Grump—a kind of bequiffed holdover from the pre-Neanderthal era (previously thought to be extinct but apparently still with us). Some say he is morphologically similar to the definitely dead Adolf monkey, but most taxonomists now classify him along with mythical beasts that mesmerize idiots and fools. This specimen is now the head of our dumbocracy and is indeed ideally suited to the role: he can hardly construct a coherent sentence but he has a world-class sneer and a vicious temper. He is supported by a horde of semi-human sycophants and swamp-dwellers that are terrified of his grunts and lunges. Dumbocracy is here to stay for the foreseeable future.

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Expressing Mind

Expressing Mind

In The Expression of Emotion in Man and Animals Darwin goes into great (indeed excruciating) detail about the ways emotions are expressed in the body—the face, the voice, the hands, the posture. He leaves no doubt that animals and man express their emotions in characteristic bodily configurations, particularly facial expressions. But he never discusses whether thought likewise has a bodily expression; in fact, he doesn’t even bring up the question. Why not? Evidently because it has none: thought itself does not contort the face in a specific way (the facial muscles remain relaxed) and particular kinds of thought don’t correspond to different types of facial expression. Only when thought proves difficult does it shape the human face, but not when it is proceeding unimpeded. A book called The Expression of Thought in Man and Animals would be very short, indeed non-existent. This is why we cannot read a man’s thoughts from his face, but we can detect his emotions this way. Thought is unexpressive. But that fact cries out for explanation: why is the emotional part of the mind so physically expressive but not the cognitive part? What makes emotion so prone to externalization but not thought? Why the link to muscles in the emotion case but not in the thinking case? (And why did Darwin never make this point?).

It might be said that Darwin’s text provides the answer: we inherited our emotions from animals that made use of the bodily expressions they produced, but we didn’t inherit our capacity for thought from them—so we didn’t get anything like the whole feeling-behaving package. If animal emotions didn’t come with natural expressions, then we would not have such expressions either—for they have no real utility in our lives. But thoughts originate with us, it may be said, and hence don’t carry any such animal baggage. There are two problems with this explanation: it is implausible that we did not inherit the capacity for thought from our ape-like ancestors; and the same question arises for perceptual capacities, and we surely inherited them. Apes think and believe and know, but they too show no sign of these mental acts in instinctive facial expressions or gestures: and we inherited this trait from them. And perception is generally not accompanied by distinctive facial expressions or other bodily signs: your face doesn’t automatically change when you stop perceiving, or perceive something else. You don’t have one face for seeing red, say, and another for seeing blue. Nor does your face change its expression when you close your eyes or unplug your ears. Yet we surely inherited these senses from our animal ancestors, going back a long way. The fact is that perception and cognition are intrinsically disconnected from musculature, but emotion is so connected, intimately. Emotions naturally and forcibly express themselves in the body, often in puzzling ways, but not so for thoughts and perceptions. This seems intuitively correct, but it is theoretically puzzling: what is the reason for this asymmetry? Your face goes a certain way when you are angry or fearful or disgusted without the intervention of will, but nothing like this happens when you are thinking about, say, the meaning of life (or what to have for lunch), or seeing a tree in the distance. Your emotion makes your body do such-and-such, but your thought or perception doesn’t make your body do anything. Cognition leaves your body alone, but emotion messes with it (often pointlessly). It can be hard to hide your emotions, but your thoughts are naturally hidden (and can be difficult to reveal). In this sense thoughts are private and emotions are public—but why?

Can we imagine inverting the two—could there be beings whose faces contort with thought but not with emotion? Logically, that seems conceivable; humanly, it seems strange. Isn’t it in the nature of emotion to seek expression, but not so thought? Here is a possible explanation: emotions are episodic and transitory but thoughts and perceptions are always with us. Emotions motivate animals to act and they come and go with the events surrounding the animal, but animals are always perceiving and thinking (except when asleep). If there were a facial signature of perceiving and thinking, it would always be there—you would always be making a thinking and perceiving face (knitted brow, puckered mouth, perhaps). That seems like a complete waste of biological resources; better to let the face relax while you think and perceive. But emotions are responsive to the passing show and hence demand action—say, flight or aggression or consumption. Emotions are mental states we act on in the struggle to survive, but we don’t need to act on our every thought or perception. Hence, emotions are motoric, but cognition isn’t; cognition informs and guides action rather than peremptorily prompting it. Fear of a looming lion makes you run, but thinking about a lion doesn’t make you do anything. There is something to this explanation, though it needs some spelling out; but it doesn’t touch the hard question—namely, what is it about the nature of emotion, but not about the nature of thought, that suits it to have its behavioral role? Why is emotion built to be expressed, but thought isn’t? And how does emotion succeed in shaping behavior whereas thought does not? How come emotion is active in this way but cognition is passive? As we know from Darwin, emotion is elaborately expressive, dedicated to bodily manifestation, but other aspects of the mind are unconcerned about expression, expressively indifferent. The Cartesian mind is cut off from the muscles as a matter of its intrinsic character, but the affective mind (the Darwinian mind) is closely bound up with the muscles—indelibly movement-oriented. Darwin lovingly details the manner of this expressive dimension, but no such project attends the consideration of other aspects of the mind. True, animals can communicate their thoughts and perceptions in bodily action, especially if they have a real language, but this is not the same as the expression of emotion, which is not generally communicative. Having a behavioral effect is not the same as having a behavioral expression. Nor would be it be correct to describe general behaviorism as an expressive theory of the mind in the sense of “expression” intended by Darwin. In that sense we are dealing with an instinctive habitual bodily correlate not with an intentional action that may be withheld at will. This is why we can be surprised at the way our body is behaving under the influence of emotion; it takes close study to see how your eyebrows are behaving when experiencing certain emotions. Emotions reflexively produce bodily expressions of specific types, but the same is not true of thoughts and their behavioral effects (saying, for example, “I was thinking about going shopping”). So, the puzzle remains: why the difference? There is a kind of dualism at work here, but its rationale remains obscure.[1]

[1] What is called belief-desire psychology is completely oblivious to the distinction I am drawing, and has nothing to say about the kind of expressiveness in action that Darwin is interested in. Habitual facial expressions are hardly intentional actions, yet they are clearly things done. The agent does not have a reason to perform these actions (the body performs them). Emotional expressions and intentional actions may both be caused by states of mind, but it would be wrong to assimilate the two. The philosophy of action should really fall into two parts: the philosophy of intentional reason-based action, and the philosophy of instinctive expressive action.

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Anger

Anger

I read with interest Darwin’s discussion of anger in The Expression of the Emotions in Man and Animals (I am very familiar with that emotion, unfortunately). His discusses in detail the expression of anger in bodily posture, hand gestures, and the baring of the teeth. It made me think of Melville’s Billy Budd, a story of accusation and reaction (in case you haven’t read it, Billy is completely innocent of Claggart’s evil accusations). The climax is reached in this terse passage: “The next instant, quick as the flame from a discharged cannon at night, his right arm shot out, and Claggart dropped to the deck”. The blow kills Claggart—“A gasp or two, and he lay motionless”. Asked to explain his action (it is a capital offense), he replies: “I am sorry he is dead. I did not mean to kill him. Could I have used my tongue I would not have struck him. But he foully lied to my face and in presence of my captain, and I had to say something, and I could only say it with a blow, God help me!” Billy is duly executed for the crime, to no one’s satisfaction. Melville’s description is psychologically apt and could be added to Darwin’s list of physical symptoms of anger: Billy’s arm “shot out” as if automatically; his voice impediment prevented a verbal denial, so his motor system took over; its effect exceeded what Billy wished; it was quite predicable given the circumstances. This is what anger, justified anger, moral indignation, may lead to, especially in response to the malicious lie (it is surprising Claggart didn’t anticipate it). A primitive response of Billy’s nervous system triggered his lethal action as a kind of reflex—childlike, maybe simian. Anger obviously has deep roots in the animal mind and excites extreme expression. It is not easily managed. It is wise not to evoke it in others. Its surest cause is evil. Billy Budd’s young life is cut short by the laws of emotional expression in the human animal. Claggart got what he wanted, though he paid with his own life.[1]

[1] I discuss Billy Budd in more detail in my Ethics, Evil, and Fiction (1997), chapter 4, “The Evil Character”. Billy is a naïve young man, full of life and promise, a “bud” of sorts, soon to be nipped by an evil authority figure.

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Animal Respect

Animal Respect

The modern animal rights movement is now over half a century old. Someone should write a history of it. I will venture some alternative history. I was in on it from the beginning, but not at the very beginning. That can be traced to the book Animals, Men, and Morals, edited by John Harris and Rosalind and Stanley Godlovitch, published in 1971 (followed a few years later by Peter Singer’s influential Animal Liberation).[1] I thought at the time that the arguments (and facts) there proffered would be soon adopted by philosophers and interested others. But they encountered resistance from an array of moral philosophers and had to fight for recognition. This was disappointing for us activists. Still, some progress was made, but more slowly than was hoped and expected. What was once regarded as eccentric, even barmy, gradually became mainstream and respected—that was something, given the prevailing attitudes in those early days (the word “vegan” was unknown back then). But suppose things had gone differently: suppose much greater progress had been made, and large sections of the population had got the message. Let’s imagine that in a few short years the majority of people had seen the light: meat consumption was way down, there were vegetarian restaurants everywhere, fashionable people wore Animal Liberation T-shirts, etc. The arguments were so strong, so clear, so unanswerable, that most people went along with them, acting accordingly. But suppose a minority of people refused to join the majority—they stubbornly clung to the old ways. Suppose this minority were geographically separated from the majority—the north of England compared to the south, say. By this time the issue had gone political: politicians campaigned on a platform of animal rights, or animal non-rights. You were either pro-animal or anti-animal. Things could get heated, tempers flared, the country was polarized. The government, duly elected, tried to impose new laws regarding animals, outlawing the practices of the north (e.g., factory farming). There was talk of making meat-eating illegal. The minority were being pressured to conform, and they didn’t like it (they were morally wrong, but politics is another matter). Suppose they put up armed resistance and even intensified their animal abuse (as it was seen in the south). There was a danger of civil war; already there was a fair amount of violence and social unrest. Families were split, friendships shattered. There might even be a civil war fought over the issue, with mass casualties. It might have spread to other countries. This could all have happened, if the original architects had got their way—remember that, according to them, our treatment of animals is an atrocity, comparable to other historical atrocities. The result might have been victory for the abolitionists and an ethical society where animals are concerned. What if all the philosophers, along with other intellectuals, had been persuaded by the animal liberationists, and that this had accelerated the spread of the new ideas? To many of us at the time it was surprising that this didn’t happen—because a lot of otherwise sensible people were simply not having it. To them animals had no rights, no moral standing, were made to suit our human purposes (the animals should be glad of factory farms, or else they wouldn’t exist at all!). It seems historically contingent that the scenario I sketched didn’t occur—all-out civil war. For people are apt to be vehement on the question and refuse to budge—the arguments I have had!

What did happen was different—a kind of slow diffusion. Steady progress, piecemeal reform, a general raising of consciousness. In my lifetime there has been a transformation on the issue. It is amazing now to a find a vegetarian section in the supermarket. Perhaps we are lucky that more people didn’t instantly convert back in the early days, or else a societal split might have been the result. Moral progress is apt to be slow and that may not be a bad thing all things considered. It takes time for the human mind to adjust, for the moral truth to sink in. The Animalist Revolution never occurred, so we were spared its potential convulsions. Yet progress was made and no doubt will continue to be made. What if artificial meat becomes more widely accepted, tastier, cheaper, healthier, less environmentally damaging than natural meat? Then we might see a gradual phasing out. We will have a de facto victory of the ethical over the unethical. Compare the issue of slavery: suppose opposition to it had never reached the critical mass necessary to triggering the Civil War, so that that war never occurred, with consequences still visible today. Suppose instead that slavery simply withered away as technology developed, people grew more enlightened through education, etc. It would take longer to achieve the right result, but at least we would be spared the violence of a full-on civil war. This is speculation, of course, but you see my point: in the case of animal rights, we never got a civil war over the issue, but we could have. Wars have been fought over less. Historical change has not (hitherto) required anything so disruptive or deadly. I don’t doubt that if animals were capable of joining humans in bringing about better treatment, we would have had something like a civil war, because the issue is polarizing. Actually, great progress has been made in the ethical treatment of animals since (say) the nineteenth century, thanks to an enlightened few (the myopic majority will always be with us, regrettably). Overall, I’m quite pleased with the way things are turning out for animals, compared to the bad old days—though I would be the first to agree that progress is painfully slow and halting.[2]

[1] I am not counting such works as Anna Sewell’s Black Beauty (1912), the greatest animal rights book ever written.

[2] Enough time has passed for there now to be many second-generation vegetarians (I met one the other day) for whom an enlightened attitude towards animals is second-nature; these people are the ones to look out for. Times do change.

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Am I a Naturalist?

Am I a Naturalist?

There comes a point in every philosopher’s life when he or she asks himself or herself what kind of philosopher she or he (or possibly it) is. So, what kind of philosopher am I? Heretofore, I would have described myself as a rationalist realist mysterian evolutionist—quite a mouthful. But now I think my kind of philosophy can be described more simply: I am a naturalist, in roughly the nineteenth century sense of the word. I rush to add that I don’t mean this in the contemporary sense—one who seeks to naturalize. That is, I am not out to explain things in physical terms (whatever that means), or to offer reductive proposals. I am the opposite of that: I tend to accept things as they present themselves–I am a non-reductive naturalist, a non-dogmatic naturalist. Then what sort of naturalist is that? First and foremost, I reject, avoid, and eschew super-natural suppositions—the approach is not religiously influenced or inflected. God is not wheeled in to provide putative explanations. There is nothing outside of nature (the naturalist believes firmly in nature). Second, the naturalist in my sense practices the art and science of description: describing things as accurately and clearly as possible.[1] He looks hard at the world, and not through distorting lenses (tradition, myth). Moreover, he favors systematic description—the kind that finds similarities and parallels, often at some remove (the more surprising the better). Third, and connected, he is a dedicated taxonomist: he is enamored of classification, categories, species and genus. The zoologist is his model: the philosophical naturalist is a kind of metaphysical zoologist (the world is a type of zoo). He wants to know what is most general, what includes what, how the natural kinds line up with each other. Fourth, he believes in history—he thinks history shapes reality. He looks for antecedents and precursors, origins, causes. His first question is apt to be, “Where does it come from?” The OED indeed defines a naturalist as “an expert in or student of natural history”. He is interested in structure and analysis, to be sure, but he is also interested in ancestry—because natural structures have pasts. He is thus an ardent evolutionist: things don’t just exist; they evolve into existence. Given the philosopher’s interest in the mind, the naturalist philosopher wants to know how the mind came to be—by what stages, from what origins. The naturalist is also a self-naturalist: he thinks the knowing self is a thing of nature, not merely the things it contemplates. He holds that the knowing self is a product of evolution, like other products of evolution, and subject to the same basic laws. The knowing mind came to exist via an evolutionary process, slowly, falteringly, imperfectly. Accordingly, as Darwin sagely remarks, “it is always advisable to perceive clearly our ignorance”,[2] because we too are subject to the limiting rules of nature. Man does not stand above nature, or outside of it; he is an instance of nature. The naturalist philosopher is therefore prepared to accept mysteries of nature, areas of deep ignorance. He doesn’t judge nature solely by reference to his own perspective on it. Darwin was a naturalist of the biological world; the philosophical naturalist takes this view of the whole of reality. He is thus disposed to pluralism—he recognizes and respects variety. He may even study religion itself as a natural phenomenon—an aspect of human nature. All this, he may intone, is just part of life’s rich pageant—atoms, stars, plants, animals, minds, myths in minds, etc. The naturalist is always a type of scientist not a mystic or magician.

What is a naturalist not? We know he is not religious or ideological or political; he is not so motivated (quaphilosopher). Hume is a naturalist; Berkeley is not. Nor is he axiomatic and purely deductive (like Euclid). He doesn’t enunciate mathematical laws. Thus, Newton is not a naturalist in the current sense, but Darwin certainly is. Darwin ushered in a new type of science that shaped philosophy as much as Newton had earlier. Where once philosophers wanted to be Newtonian, now they wanted to be Darwinian. They had, as we are fond of saying, a new paradigm. They didn’t want to mimic physics and astronomy by going mathematical (i.e., Euclidian); they wanted to go biological (i.e., Darwinian). We had Russell and Whitehead’s Principia Mathematica, modeled on Newton, but the “naturalist turn” took its inspiration from Darwin’s Origin and Descent. The naturalist will sometimes use mathematical methods, but he does not construe the world asmathematical: not abstract mechanics but concrete living tissue—behavior not mere motion. So, the naturalist is not beholden to the mathematical (including mathematical logic); he is more interested in the mutable and evolving. Nor is language the key: you don’t study zoology by studying zoological words. No zoologist takes a linguistic turn—though he may take a genetic turn. Similarly, the kind of philosophy I am describing keeps its eye firmly on the non-linguistic world (except when studying language itself). Chomsky took a biological naturalist turn in linguistics—language as an innate attribute of the human organism, an “organ”, not a conventional, culturally dependent set of social constructions. True, language has a formal structure, but so do organisms (see D’Arcy Thompson). And Chomsky is much concerned with evolutionary origins. Wittgenstein, by contrast, is not Darwinian: the Tractatus is Newtonian-Russellian, and the Investigations is social-cultural. The former is abstractly mathematical; the latter is unsystematic and non-evolutionary. I see nothing distinctively Darwinian in Wittgenstein, early or late (did he read any Darwin?). Same for Quine: it’s mostly logicism amplified and dogmatic (“religious”) physicalism. Ditto Davidson. Also, Kripke—modal mathematical logic not mutational logic. Austin, for his part, is preoccupied with acts of human speech, conventionally governed; he is not concerned with the human being qua animal. Frege’s gaze is fixed on mathematical structures not anatomical structures; you would never think that human beings had evolved from studying his work. I would also insist that Darwin is not scientistic in his naturalism—he doesn’t jump to premature theory based on other types of science. He isn’t like a chemist. This is very clear in Expression: in this book he is content to stick to examples and rough generalizations—for the topic permits no more. He is no proto-behaviorist or neuro-psychologist. He is content to describe and freely speculate, not force his material into some preordained scientistic format. It is a matter of an attitude of mind: the naturalist philosopher approaches his subject like a field biologist (though stuck at home in his study)—he wants to describe, classify, find similarities, postulate histories, resolve conundrums. I think this is a distinctive conception of the philosophical mind-set, standing in contrast to other conceptions, though certainly capacious. It is a specific way of being a philosopher—a conceptual botanist, if you will.

Let me illustrate the general conception by reference to consciousness. The naturalist philosopher notices the existence of this natural phenomenon (he doesn’t read about it in some ancient hallowed text). He wonders what kind of thing it is: what is it similar to? It seems dissimilar to other things—bodies, brains, etc. He sets out to describe it, invoking the concepts of intentionality, subjectivity, selfhood, and so on. He wonders where it came from, how it evolved, what its function is. He finds himself puzzled: consciousness seems real enough, no sort of illusion, but it also seems anomalous; it presents itself as a theoretical problem (cf. the platypus). Is it a bird, is it a plane—no, it’s Super-stuff! But what exactly is it about consciousness that produces the problem? Even that is hard to specify. Is intentionality the root of the problem? But that doesn’t seem so hard to explain (biological function is quasi-intentional, isn’t it?). Is it subjectivity? But what exactly is that? Is it the fact that consciousness can’t be understood except by instantiating it (bats and all that)? But is this really what immediately makes us think that there is something special going on here? Wouldn’t consciousness be a felt problem even if grasp of the concept were not thus dependent on instantiating it? What if we could grasp what it’s like to be a bat—would that remove the problem of consciousness?[3] It seems inexplicably inexplicable—we have a problem with the problem, Houston. We don’t seem to be able to say what it is about consciousness that makes it so problematic—yet we are convinced (rightly) that it is. This itself is an interesting fact of nature: our intuitive grasp of the nature of consciousness tells us it is hard to understand, yet we can’t identify what it is about that grasp that produces this impression. We have a kind of blind-spot—or rather blindsight-spot, given that we evidently perceive something that leaves no perceptible trace on our conscious understanding. Our consciousness of consciousness tells us it is problematic, but it doesn’t tell us in virtue of what it is problematic. This is a curious fact of nature—a fact about consciousness of consciousness. To repeat: we can’t locate precisely what it is about consciousness that makes it problematic, though we are convinced that it is. Is there anything else in nature like this (always the naturalist’s question)? Apparently not: we generally know what generates our ignorance when we know we are ignorant—but not in this case. We don’t know whywe don’t know, but we do know we don’t know. We don’t know the source of our ignorance. So, we are ignorant of consciousness and ignorant of why we are thus ignorant. We are also ignorant of the origin of life on Earth, but we have some idea of why this is (it was a long time ago and we weren’t around back then). But in the case of the origin of consciousness, we don’t really know what is standing in the way of our understanding—it just feels like a mystery. It no doubt is a mystery, but that fact is itself mysterious—nothing we can detect in consciousness can be pointed to as generating the mystery. This is a puzzle of nature—not evidence of divinity or some such. The naturalist isn’t fazed by this (though irritated by it) because he knows we are evolved beings, an animal species recently minted, and we can’t be expected to be omniscient. Plenty of things are deeply puzzling to us about life on Earth. And, to repeat Darwin, “it is always advisable to perceive clearly our ignorance”. The naturalist takes this in stride, frustrating as it may be. He can at least go on to make many interesting observations about consciousness—its taxonomy, its neural correlates, its causal powers, its laws, etc. He can continue being a naturalist about consciosness while admitting the natural limits to his naturalist ambitions.[4]

[1] He is therefore intently concerned with language, making heavy use of the dictionary. He is wary of technical terms promiscuously employed. He abhors lazy inept writing. He yearns for descriptive adequacy, or excellence. Clarity is much prized. Analysis is most welcome.

[2] The Expression of Emotion in Man and Animals (1890), p.69.

[3] I am moving quickly through these points, which demand extended discussion; my aim is just to provide an illustration of the naturalist’s method and style. I am delineating a particular meta-philosophy.

[4] It might be wondered how the philosophical naturalist will handle more abstract non-biological subject-matters. In basically the same way: he may scrutinize such concepts as necessity, identity, entailment, and truth and offer accurate descriptions of them, classify them, articulate their relations, resolve puzzles about them. Similarly, he can investigate moral concepts and subject them to naturalist treatment—describing, organizing, classifying, analyzing, tracing through time, resolving puzzles, indicating problems. The same mind-set can be applied to many different subject-matters (the logical menagerie, the moral menagerie). Note that naturalism is not the same as empiricism and fundamentally opposed to it (human experience is not the measure of Nature).

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Integrity and Intelligence

Integrity and Intelligence

Integrity and intelligence are not givens but choices. They are acts of will as well as brain power. They require effort, sometimes courage. Their opposites—stupidity and malice (or weakness)—have their attractions. We are witnessing their erosion, indeed gleeful abandonment. I am not just referring to the current political era but to a broader phenomenon, including the universities and so-called intelligentsia. Politics has trumped (Trumped) intelligence and integrity. Your friends have abandoned these admirable traits—you might have yourself (not that you would admit it). Behavioral contagion is real; mass psychology is a thing. I’ve seen it with my own eyes. It’s everywhere. The causes are unclear, but history is full of it. Keep an eye out for it—you can’t miss it. The unmistakable sign of it is giving terrible arguments for absurd positions. Fill in the blanks.

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The London Review of Books and Me

The London Review of Books and Me

I used to write regularly for the London Review of Books, beginning in 1985 with a piece on Donald Davidson. At that time Karl Miller was the editor (I used to spot him around UCL where we both then worked). I liked Karl (also his brother-in-law Jonathan Miller—no relation). I then wrote several reviews for the magazine, on Russell, Wittgenstein, Ayer, Collingwood, Putnam, Strawson, Warnock, Singer, Sacks, and others. I also published a short story there (“The Bed Reptile”) and a diary piece from America. I was what you would call a regular contributor; it was a mutually agreeable arrangement. But it all came to a sudden halt in 1995, under a new editor, Mary-Kay Wilmers. I had been asked to review a collection of essays on Philippa Foot (Virtues and Reasons), which I duly did. For some reason, there was a long delay between submission and publication, which is apt to give an impression of dilatoriness on the part of the reviewer (which I have never been guilty of). Occasionally I would ask when it would appear and got vague answers. The editor hinted to me that they felt it was perhaps too academic for them and might be dropped. Let me make something clear: all that reviewing took serious time away from my own research and writing, producing a tremendous amount of ambivalence in me. Still, I thought it was worthwhile (just about). But not if the piece would be dropped. That would mean I had wasted my time and I would not wish to write such reviews if there was a good chance they might not be published. Nor did I agree that my review was overly academic—I was quite capable of judging what kind of review would be appropriate. Also: don’t ask me to review books with serious academic content if you don’t want to publish reviews geared to such content. Eventually, late in the day, they published it, tucked into the back of the paper. The experience discouraged me from writing for them in the future, and I told them so. I even wrote a letter for their correspondence column informing readers that they should not expect to see my reviews again (I gave no reason). The magazine never asked me to write for them again and I don’t believe they ever reviewed any more of my own books. As it happens, I soon started writing for the New Republic, and later the New York Review of Books. Such is the life of a jobbing reviewer. These days I write no reviews and am not invited to. I suppose I should be grateful, but the reasons don’t bear examination.

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The New York Times and Me

The New York Times and Me

I used to write for the New York Times. It started in 1999 when they asked me to review three books on AI. They printed this review on the front page of the Book Review section and I received a lot of correspondence about it. This was quickly followed up by two other book reviews, culminating in a review of a book by Antonio Damasio called Looking for Spinoza, in which I criticized the book for being untrue and unoriginal (it advocated the James-Lange theory of emotion). Meanwhile they reviewed three books by me: The Mysterious Flame, The Making of a Philosopher, and The Power of Movies. I was also asked to write an op-ed about movies (it was Oscar time). All this ended in 2006 when I pointed out to the editors that the printed review of the movie book got the title of the book wrong and missed an obvious irony on my part. I have not been asked to review again and none of my later books have been reviewed by them. Don’t ask me why. (Later there was a rather inept article on you-know-what.) My guess is that they didn’t like the tone and content of my Damasio review and were embarrassed about the error in the review of my movies book. I never inquired and have since lost a lot of respect for that newspaper (the Book Review is hardly worth reading these days, though I still make an attempt).

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